A SPARK CAN SET THE PRAIRIE ON FIRE

Camponeses Se Levantam Pela Revolução Agrária, Norte de Minas
Camponeses Se Levantam Pela Revolução Agrária, Norte de Minas

A SPARK CAN SET THE PRAIRIE ON FIRE

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It is necessary to understand quite well the central question of the political crisis in the country. There are two situations in development. One is Bolsonaro’s “apparent government” and the other the generals’ secret military “de facto” government. After the serious palace crisis that lasted from April to September and having both contender groups ( Bolsonaro’s extreme right-wing and the military right-wing of the High Command of the Armed Forces – ACFA) eroded, for a matter of “salvation of the boat”, they came into an agreement to soften the crisis and retrieve the economy. Such a deal, fragile and temporary, cannot maintain itself for longer and when it is least expected the fierce quarelling and disputes will restart. 

Another situation of the crisis is the unavoidable and still latent people’s rebellion that everyday and nationwide, in the countryside and in the cities, produces sparkles in the air. It is the peasant resistance for having the land, the struggle of the indigenous for marking their territories, stolen by the landownership; it is the struggle of students and teachers in defense of the public and free education, the fight of the workers in defense of their trampled rights and for housing; the struggle of the poor youth for freedom, job and against the police repression. This is a growing accumulation of flammable material made of indignation, bitterness and wrath. 

All this material has been accumulated day by day, under the brutal blows stricken mercilessly by the government against the people’s rights – rights so harshly achieved in decades of struggle -,  and by the increase of the slaughter of our people, among other odious situations. Criminal actions instigated by the fascist ideological orgy Bolsonaro’s election has created and that has been fed on a daly basis by his speeches full of rancorous prejudices and by the backward groups that populate the so-called  social networks, besides the praising and greetings to the genocide actions of the police force by the parliamentarians, justice system and sensational police programmes on TV and radio. 

The turbulent proceeding and approval by the Congress of the project of  the “Social Welfare Reform” that decrees the end of the universal public retirement gave rise to massive people’s protests and wore out the political prestige of a government elected by a minority of  apt electorate. On the other side, the military troops, Bolsonaro’s supporters, felt betrayed at not having their historical demands met in favour of the privilege of the high-level officership. Those claims that have been their banner and hope for more than 30 years of the captain’s electorate who guarantee his victory. The maintenance of the privileges of the officership, mostly the generals, has deepen not only the grievances but also the cracks inside the reactionary and repressive Armed Forces. 

The time-consuming agreement to reach the Congress approval has been preceded by a disastrous chattering of the fanatic Olavo de Carvalho followers against the generals that, although contributing for the general Santo Cruz fall from a high palace position, has made way to a more skillful political articulator imposed by ACFA. The “Queiroz” episode that put Bolsonaro clan in defensive has been handled by the generals with the filing of Flávio Bolsonaro’s investigations by the president of the Federal Supreme Court, leaving the sword of Damocles over the head of the fascist group.   

And it was with this correlation of forces that Bolsonaro had to swallow, as a give-and-take situation, the restoration by the Federal Supreme Court of the constitutional institute that nobody can be arrested except in case of flagrante delicto and imminent threat to the society security, after the judgement has acquired the authority of a final decision; that is, maintained the defendant conviction  ending all law resources at the last instance of justice. Therewith, several prisoners, including the ones from “Lava Jato”Operation, persons still in detention, as Luiz Inácio, have been freed. 

However, the unbearable situation of the political instability that has been putting at stake the credibility of the institutions, particularly the Federal Supreme Court ( one thousand times despised by the fascists inside and outside the government and with its ministers object of serious threats, under the menace of the most complete demoralization, whereas it is the supreme court of the country) has taken it to an internal twist. More than 900 filed investigations have returned to the justice, among which stand the inquiry of the president’s son. As Bolsonaro has once more been cornered, the palace agreement can only survive with the anti-communist and anti-people rancidity of the dreadful speech of the whole government before the rebellions that occur in Ecuador, Haiti, Chile, Bolivia and Colombia, as a prevention to the nightmare of the explosion in the country of a new “June 2013”, greater and more violent. 

Previously, the fascist Bolsonaro, under the social-climber style that characterizes him, pushed by the generals, has also used the fire episode in Amazonia for, in a dissimulated way under the endowment of the “Guarantee of Law and Order” (GLO) decree, attack the peasant movement in the region. The stubborn fascist refers to the peasant families that sustain the Nation with the workers and other employees as “bandits” and “terrorists”. He accuses the organized peasant movement, which tries to destroy the backwardness of the Nation and the people’s misery in the countryside, as if the peasants were a menace to the country. No! The peasant masses  with the proletariat  and the urban petty bourgeoisie are a threat to the parasites of the Nation, the landlords, the big bourgeois and the imperialist powers that plunder the country, mostly the USA that maintains it as a semicolonial and semifeudal country.  

Bolsonaro talks about repressing the peasants instead of investigating the landlords who usurp the public land, loot their richness and devastate nature, everything under the protection of the old State. A recent example can be seen in Bahia where a ghost enterprise retained more than 800 thousand hectares covert by primary injunctions sold by the Court of Law of the state in such a shameless operation that the judiciary itself could not hide it anymore.  

The “countryside GLO” and the “excluding lawfulness conditions” are part of the third reaction task to impose a hardening of the criminal laws and get rid of any legal inconvenience which could constrain the repressive forces to exercise all the bestiality against the rebel masses and, mostly, against the revolutionary insurgency. In this regard, it converges in it the bolsonarist extreme right-wing as well as the ACFA right-wing. They hold together in the repression to the rebellious masses.  

However, the bureaucratic capitalism, in a general crisis of decomposition, needs to despoil still more not only the proletariat and the peasantry; it will necessarily have to tourniquet the small and middle owner with the high cost of the money and crippling taxes in favour of the financial monopolies, as well as affecting in a hard way the education and cultural production in the country. It is just a matter of time as a direct outcome of the odious economic “reforms” that have already been applied. These measures for fetting out of the economic crisis, a basis of the deep crisis of the old State and suffering of its demoralized political system, lead necessarily the reactionaries to centralize the political Power in an absolute way in the Executive. Whether through the corporative and fascist shape defended by Bolsonaro or in the  way of the constitutional reform preached by the ACFA right-wing. Such a thing deepens the instability: besides stirring the mass rebellion, it will aggravate the division inside the ruling classes, the fight between the compradora and bureaucratic fractions and between their several power groups. 

Within this perspective, the false electoral opportunist left-wing, class conciliatory ( with its old-fashioned speech on the “ Democratic State of Law”),  and the electoral centre right-wing are dead weights in the political game. There is no condition nowadays to switch back to the political scene unless as coadjuvants, submitted either to the right-wing military and civil forces or the extreme right-wing forces or the mere restrained opposition. Luiz Inácio’s release, that has implied in a coup over “Lava Jato” (although it had not been the Operation’s death), will only add up more ingredients to the political crisis, stirring the extreme right-wing and creating controversies within the military right-wing. 

Bolsonaro, although having some weight among the dozy masses, looses support and, trying to regain it, needs to resume the offensive placing in a more open way his fascist project. He launches the party “Alliance for Brasil” (Aliança pelo Brasil) that, for its general tendencies, will be one more fascist abortion that mixes a feudal ideology of neo-pentecostal sects with pseud nationalism, in fact, a quarrelsome anticommunism, to mobilize and put the halter in the misled masses. 

The masses will be pushed and will fight with the historical experience accumulated and the lessons from 2013/2014. The masses will not only be pushed as will be politized and are claiming for a new revolutionary leadership; they are thirsty to be organized in highest forms, for struggling for their interests. The official institutions do not inspire them confidence, let alone respect. They are the forces that will attack them in all fronts. The reaction itself recognizes tthat things are like this. The masses will certainly know how to strike back. Only one spark can set the whole prairie on fire.

Ao longo das últimas duas décadas, o jornal A Nova Democracia tem se sustentado nos leitores operários, camponeses, estudantes e na intelectualidade progressista. Assim tem mantido inalterada sua linha editorial radicalmente antagônica à imprensa reacionária e vendida aos interesses das classes dominantes e do imperialismo.
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