In AND 222, Editorial, where we analised the reaction ofensive to bring into power a preventive military coup to the inevitable increase of the people’s protests, we showed the discrepancies between the hegemonic right-wing of the High Command of the Armed Forces (ACFA) and the far right-wing led by Bolsonaro. We have pointed out in it that the struggle in the reaction field has been outlined by the antagonism:

“In the current situation, the far right-wing, mostly Bolsonaro as a representative who holds the position of  President of the Republic, has partnership in Senate and Chambers, people’s support ( although declining), support of civil fascist militants and police troops all over the country, besides the endorsement of the Yankee imperialism and Zionism. The hegemonic right-wing in the Armed Forces has the military power – as much for being the High Command as for the ties with the ruling local classes and national subjugation to the main structures of the Yankee imperialism – and has the support of the major part of the political forces of right and centre-wing in the country, besides the support of most of the governments in the continent”.

One month after the publication, the antagonism has become more evident before the genuine despicable action in the public debate with personal offences fired by the bolsonarist guru, Olavo de Carvalho, having the president’s sons as coadjuvants and the generals’ answers.

It is important to note that the anticommunism from both sides that operate the preventive counter-revolutionary offensive does not have the strength for consolidating its union since they search the leadership of the process and the consequent submission of the opposing parts.

Bolsonaro, since as a candidate and not believing in his election, used to hoist the flag of being against everything including the legislative and judiciary powers, qualifying the elections as a fraud. He was probably articulating a coup d’état for he affirmed he could not accept any one elected but himself. For that he counted on the social networks in the Trump’s style based on fake news reproducers. He counted as well as on his capital of 30 years of parlamentary activities defending the fascist military regime and its executioners. To achieve his deputy career he enrolled votes in the exclusive defence of the corporate interests of the Armed Forces troops, federal police amd military police, besides the fact that he has always and blatantly defended the criminal “militias” in Rio de Janeiro.

For the ACFA, the red light for the danger of rebellion has been lit with the people’s uprisings in 2013/14 that repudiated all official political parties mostly the ones of the “ electoral people’s front” and its organizations that manipulate and deceive the people. The generals in collusion with the  USA State Department have planned the military counter-revolutionary coup to prevent the general upheaval of the people’s masses and have unleashed it with the “Lava Jato” Operation. For the Yankee imperialism and its lackeys it was not possible anymore to sustain and  maintain the old order of exploitation and oppression without restraining and centralizing at most the political power in the Executive, retaining the other republican institution in a subservient and accessory functioning.

At a certain point in time of the electoral campaign, as “Lava Jato” had moved away Luiz Inácio of the election dispute and Alckimim’s candidacy was being ruined, the coup plan conspired to discontinue the elections and impose the military intervention. The failed attack to Bolsonaro turned him into a victim guaranteeing his election through the social networks with his fake news’ distributors.

It was for the ACFA to take on the government and provide effective tutelage through the enforcement of the generals from the “Haiti’s Group” in the principal decision positions in Palácio do Planalto. However, shortly after taking office, Bolsonaro and his guru, Olavo de Carvalho, started a reaction to this tutelage with the dispute for the leadership of the coup to impose his fascist military regime. And the dispute during these five months of government has worsened.

Still according to our last Editorial: “The preventive counter-revolutionary offensive has been unleashed by the compelling need to face and give solution to the three reactionary tasks for saving and preserving the oppression and exploitation semicolonial and semifeudal system, in crisis and decay. They are : 1) Bring the country out of its crisis and impell the bureaucratic capitalism. 2) Restructure the old State to impose a corresponding political regime necessary to maintain the old order and 3) Conjure the danger of Revolution through a maximum restriction of freedom of organization and demonstration of the masses. And as well the increase of criminalization laws of the people’s protests, criminal hardening and the climbing of the violent action of the enforcement agencies of the State witht the intervention of the Armed Forces, besides the desfigurement and demonisation of the combative class organizations of the people’s masses. In case the Revolution is triggered, crush it at all costs as soon as possible”.

The dispute for the head of the counter-revolution is which regime is supposed to be established to accomplish those tasks. The distress of the political system of the “something for something” has been menacing the old order, the old State and the imperialist domination, mostly Yankee. The ACFA wants to reform it within the constitutional order but Bolsonaro is obstinate with his idea that only with the military regime he can perpetuate the system of exploitation and oppression.

As one can see, such an antagonism cannot be maintained by a long period of time; however one cannot see any sign of a peaceful solution. It is quite unlikely that ACFA retreats its palace generals to the headquarters. That is why they have become silent before the guru’s and Bolsonaro’s sons’ attacks. They have started new tatics to approach Bolsonaro so that they would wear him down and neutralise most of his supporting bases in the headquarters.

On the other hand Bolsonaro, with his demagogic proposals, as for instance how to end up with traffic radars, allow the bearing of arms, correct the income tax and similar things, is trying to maintain his basis with populist appeals.

Under the conditions of the serious crisis in the country, where it delineates an emerging military crisis with a dispute within the reaction, the most probable is a bloody outcome. Because ACFA cannot deter Bolsonaro without raising strong actions in the headquarters, let alone Bolsonaro will no be able to impose his regime without a military action.

The worsening of this contradiction – though one of them imposes itself on the other, no matter who wins – will only foster the military crisis of the old order and the impetus of the revolutionary situation in the country. The masses have only the long road in the fight to defend their trampled rights and hard achievements as the “ employment reform”, the cutting on education, the disastrous public health and the plundering of the “social welfare reform”. This road can only be the one of increasing its mobilization in large rebellions. From the general resistance strike to the street battles and to the peasant uprisings. Only the New Democracy Revolution is able to save the country from the ruin and Yankee imperialist domination and build up a New Brasil, truly democratic, popular and independent.