Editorial: RAISING VERY HIGH THE PEOPLE’S PROTESTS

Editorial: RAISING VERY HIGH THE PEOPLE’S PROTESTS

The year of 2020 will be particularly hectic with respect to the revolutionary class struggles. All the evidences are showing so. 

The more enlightened reactionaries are more and more concerned with the lack of perspectives for the economy while they try too hard to push it to sell optimism, manipulating the economic indicators. They know that if they do not succeed in getting through this persistent crisis more or less rapid they will face a great danger. It means something very serious, the general crisis of decomposition by the bureaucratic capitalism in the country and in the whole Latin-american continent. Confronting the crisis, the imperialism imposes as a central policy the criminal measures of assaulting the workers’ rights and greater rendition of the nation. As it has been demonstrated by the large explosions of growing massive protests mostly in Latin America and such a policy will only increase the revolt of the masses. It will certainly make more difficult to operate the basic services and the delinquencty will enhance still more. And what it is worst for them: it will grow ominously the imminent danger of people’s uprising under a revolutionary leadership. 

The third quarter of 2019 was closed with the fiasco in economy: 0,6% of the growth of the Gross Domestic Product  (PIB). This is similar to paralysis. The tendency is unemployment and misery for the masses to proceed to higher levels. Nowadays, taking into account the “discouraged” and “under-employed” persons, the real unemployment reaches 28 million people and the number is possibly higher! The conditions of the generated jobs ( as the “intermittent ones”) worsen everyday. Remorseless exploitation: low salaries, long and intense work hours, a situation that tends to deteriorate because of the high competition of the unemployed masses. The bureaucratic capitalism machinery crushes with cruelty our sturdy proletariat and people’s masses.  

Despite that, the bureaucratic capitalism does not leave the quicksand it has been wallowed in. The consumption of the families continues vey low, repressed by the indebtedness and unemployment. Those who can get a job, also due to the low salary, do not consume enough so that this ‘living dead’ can get rid from the crisis. 

To try to balance the rotten eonomy, the government lays down more land in the hands of the “agrobusiness” and monopoly mining. The commodities, sold off extremely cheap to the imperialist powers, permit them to enrich. To enhance such a business the governments and landlords expel the peasantry from their lands and deepen the policy started by Dilma of being opposed to any agrarian reform; that makes to increase the unemployed army in the cities and the number of hopeless young persons who try to seek a way out in the delinquency.  

It is the general crisis of decomposition of the bureaucratic capitalism, settled in the endless plundering of the masses and submitted to the imperialist spoliation, mostly Yankee. The proletarian, peasant and the other working masses, sooner than later, will switch from the simple protests to more violent revolts. Even facing one thousand obstacles and the real straitjacket imposed by the treachery and opportunism of the central union leaderships, the masses will rebel to the extent that the 2013 Journeys seem a single protest. 

While they suffer with the systematic worsening of their life pattern, the masses assist the celebration of the powerful financial monopoly. At the beginning of October, the banks had a profit of R$109 billion between July, 2018 and June, 2019! It is the highest nominal profit in 25 years. The contrast between the two blocks of the society is by no mere chance and neither an unhappy coincidence. The indecent wealth concentration in a handful of families of great bourgeois and landlords – that live in paradise without working – grows because of the crash of the small and medium-sized enterprises and the misery of hundreds of million workers. 

All measures implemented ( and those that will still come) will enhance such a situation. Those that do not cause impacts nowadays will do in the next years. The goofy, the so-called “minister Paulos Guedes, has been sowing winds. 

In his turn, Bolsonaro and his extreme right-wing bunch are tied and perceive, day by day, that they cannot accomplish their terrorist dreams and create a fascist military regime without turning the tide, uprising the head-quarters and imposing a new High Command. They cannot do it though without creating a deep chaos which justifies it and neither can do it if the president does not possess a large political capital before the masses. Their new party can be what comes quite close to a fascist party in Brasil. If it materializes, it will have a mass basis organized by corporation in the districts and zones, through those small and gloomy paramilitary neo-pentecostal sects. However, spliting up into frustations and personal disputes for power, the bolsonarism lacks cadres to get on with such a project. It can happen to this gestation to give birth to a stillborn. 

Flávio Bolsonaro, caught in the scheme of the “rachadinhas”, is the Achilles heel of the bolsonarism. Any abrupt movement of the extreme bolsonarist right-wing is conjured by the imminent menace to proceed the investigation by the Public Prosecutors that is in the hands of the “secret military government” of the High Command of the Armed Forces (ACFA). Only under other conditions can the far right-wing impose its project. 

On the other hand, the civil military right-wing which centre is to so-called secret military government proceeds wearing out Bolsonaro while inflates some figures that can withstand him, disputing the same electorate. Sergio Moro, more political than before, opposes to all manoeuvres Bolsonaro does to free his son from the criticisms. The creation of the “guarantee judge” has been criticised by Moro as well as all decisions and articulations to delay the investigations against Flávio Bolsonaro. Bolsonaro has been losing the immage of “anticorrupt” and empties his prestige amidst the moralist public opinion and in his historical electoral basis ( the subordinate troops) who labels him as a betrayer. 

Being aware that the establishment is launching Sérgio Moro as a candidate, Bolsonaro tried, on January 23rd, to weaken his “super-minister” dividing the ministry under Moro’s command. The imposition of the “secret military government”, secured by the public anticorruption opinion, has prevented him to proceed. The political crisis, at which centre now are the reactionary Armed Forces, tends to gallop either for having more clashes among the ultrareactionary fractions or a complete subordination of Bolsonaro’s far left-wing to the “secret military government” to define who will stop the leadership of the counter-revolutionary offensive. 

The revolutionary situation in which is the country since the great 2013/2014 upheavals goes on developing in opposition to the counter-revolutionary offensive launched to detain its revolutionary outcome. The objective of this offensive are the threee revolutionary tasks: 1) to get out of the crisis and press forward the bureaucratic capitalism; 2) to reframe the old State imposing a regime with the most power centralization in the Executive; 3) a regime with the lowest possible number of rights and democratic freedom to conjure the danger of revolution. As part of it, they are escalating the reactionary civil war to proportions never before seen in the recent history of the country, especially against the peasants and the poor people from the slums and outskirts. Just consider that the government has created now a task force and a new military force (National Environment Force) that will operate in the Western Amazonia and will have as a coordinator general Mourão. Such is the critical situation of the reaction hill. 

Those who are at the bottom, compelled to fight for their trampled rights, against misery and hunger, tired of the bourgeois-landownership dictatorship and its electoral farce, have demonstrated everyday that they do not accept to keep living so and, little by little, will rise up in large clashes. Especially the most organized, more conscious and more willing ones, nuclear-powered by the peasant-worker alliance and who will drag along the way hundreds of thousands of masses. The spontaneous struggle of the masses will find, at every single day, more and more, the conscious leadership of the proletariat into which they will increasingly merge. This is the powerful, unwavering and imposing situation in which develops the hill of the revolution. Not even the ugliest monsters can conjure or stop it. 

Despite the strong ideological propagation to justify as natural all the oppression and misery in the masses mentality, aiming at making them passive and resigned, they express their rejection to the old order when they rise against the effects of this system of exploitation and oppression. They refuse and they manifest themselves violently against the police operations in Rio de Janeiro and some other big cities against the expulsion of their lands and their concentration in the hands of the landlords in the countryside, against the lack and precariousness of the basic public services for health and education, basic sanitation and potable water, against the housing shortage for the families, etc. 

The masses can only become free ideologically struggling against the old order, according to its level of political consciousness and being bound everytime more to the revolutionary people’s struggle which will select and forge the revolutionary forefront of the proletariat. All sort of masses, from the ideological strategic point of view, depends on the revolutionaires and true democrats who must take it into account. The time of the great clashes knocks again on the doors. And it is the counter-revolution itself which heralds it, preparing a reactionary war on a large scale. The revolution and its effects require new tasks.

Ao longo das últimas duas décadas, o jornal A Nova Democracia tem se sustentado nos leitores operários, camponeses, estudantes e na intelectualidade progressista. Assim tem mantido inalterada sua linha editorial radicalmente antagônica à imprensa reacionária e vendida aos interesses das classes dominantes e do imperialismo.
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