Edson Fachin’s decision annuling Moro’s sentences against Luiz Inácio is a mix of attempt to remove the image of the institution’s offenders, “guardian of legal order”, with the sinister engender of the establishment in trouble. Removing Moro from the position of competent judge, Fachin nullifies the convictions and, with them, the irregularities of the judge. But not the whole legal process again. However, as a spell that returns against the socerer, this decision added fuel to the fire by speeding up the judgement in the Second Panel of the Supreme Court on the suspicion of Moro,  under the auspices of an astute Gilmar Mendes. Judgement suspended by Mr. Kássio Nunes’ request taken as a ‘guarantor’ by liberal critics of “Lava Jato”. Well, well !

But why did Fachin take this position now, after the general, a former army commander, publicly having assumed that his Twitter was a military threat to dictate the Supreme Court’s decision on Luiz Inácio’s habeas corpus, in 2018 ( a fact that the entire nation has always known) ? Wouldn’t Mr. Fachin be acting once again under gurardianship, this time with permission, exactly serving a new political game from the government? It was not to give a message, already given, to the public admission of threats by Villas Boas in an authorial book.

There are many contradictions on this question that should be analyzed. First, as the pace followed, it was inevitable, day after day, that the judgement of Moro’s bias would be on the agenda because of the illegal manipulations made public by the leakage of messages between the all-powerful judge and the “paladin” prosecutor of morals and good customs, Dellagnol. Second, because there are members of powerful groups hanging on forcibly by the “Lava Jato”’ convictions that would benefit from this decision and therefore act to make them viable. ( In this regard, Gilmar Mendes and his efforts to try Moro as partial, proves him as the main representative in the Supreme Federal Court of the traditional parliamentary right, so ridiculed by the machinations of th “Lava Jato”, confronting itself with figures allied to generals whose exponent is  Luis Roberto Barroso). And third, because of the government agreement of better coexistence between the extreme right wing of Bolsonaro and the military right-wing (High Command of the Armed Forces), in the face of the ‘social crisis’ that is approaching in the speed of the expansion of the pandemic, leads the high military authorities to accelerate the consummation of the coup that has been  underway since 2015 and, for that, they throw firewood into the fire of political disputes  when returning to the agenda the radicalized polarization that only serves to lead the people’s masses to be divided by the deception of both.

Lewandowski’s votes and the probable change of Carmem Lúcia’s position that must consider Moro as a suspect, among other ministers, are, in turn,  an answer of these Supreme Federal Court’s figures who chickened out during years in the face of the military pressure and come back together with the traditional right-wing ( or centre right-wing), as a symbolic act to make themselves strong before the apparent shamelessness of the general Villas Boas’ intentional admission of coup d’état, although probably swallowing the government’s new moves.

Moro’s suspicion would be the ‘coup de grace’ in “Lava Jato”, tending to knock down, just like a house of cards, all the emprisonment of politicians demoralized by corruption. This operation was the battle horse with what the revolutionary counter-offensive was waged, whose hidden hands of anti-communist generals have been managing under driving of the USA State Department, via their Embassy in Brasilia, as a preventive action to the “social chaos”, vaticinated in the 2013/2914 people’s riots. An offensive in the shape of a coup d’État, step by step, through institutional ways. An operation whose setback will take the armed reaction of the reactionaries to prevent the complete ruin of the old order of exploitation and oppression, seriously threatened, as again vociferate the barracks’ sutlers and gorillas in pyjamas, as  expresssed in an article by a dementia general of the reserve in the Military Club site: “ The breaking point of rupture is approaching”, pressing the reactionary Armed Forces to culminate the coup to restore the “social peace”.

With that, the persecuted condition in which Luiz Inácio finds himself does not mean something progressive; to confirm what service he is in, let us look at his recent interview in which he defends the old order, weaving at its rotten institutions, pointing out that the evil are persons or groups as, for instance, the “gang of prosecutors from Curitiba”. Even less he is not in the condition for being a socialist and even a communist, a mith created by reaction, by the press monopolies, the “political scientists”, the petty bourgeois left-wing, trotskyte organizations and the “Liberation Theory” clergy. But under this condition: first, because for the reaction to save the old order, in last terms, it is necessary to maintain the Armed Forces and Bolsonaro’s extreme right-wing united and not accepting PT return to the country’s government, ( even though electorally it benefits from the polarization of a strong candidacy), obliging the generals to take measures to avoid it, because if they tolerated such possibility they would dangerously provoke divisions in the corporation. And second, because what the reaction demands nowadays are much deeper and criminal measures in a voracious and swift way against the people and sovereignty of the Nation; measures whose application do not allow class conciliation and contemporizations so to the liking of this gentleman who was discarded as packing. His services to stop repression to the people are not, for the moment, demanded.

However, let us see the complication of the offficial political game under the electoral point of view. The possibility of Luiz Inácio to run for the 2022 election is a discouragement for the apologists of the “exit by the centre” as the country’s salvation. If that happens Ciro Gomes, João Dória and others will repeat Alckmin’s failure in 2018. And the national tragedy resulted from the polarization of the extreme right-wing/centre right-wing with the false opportunist “left”, giving birth to a government of energumenes, will repeat as an announced farse, through the overwhelming foreshadowed wave of  the electoral boycott that will sweep away the leftover of legitimacy, in tatters, of this whole agonizing political system and, more, the possible elected as well. Assuming that the election, still undefined, will occur, because amidst the social, economic, political, sanitary and moral crisis  the military government has plunged the Nation, the less probable solution would be like this, a so demoralized way as the one of the former elections. So, the true antagonistic class polarization will be pronounced touchingly with violent people’s upheavals before a mad counter-revolution.

Such an unfolding in gestation increases, for one side, in sucessive criminal actions of this military genocide government. To name a few: while the original emergency proposal conditions the release to the investment floor for health and education (systems already underfunded with current rules), the government also diminishes the hospital coverage to the sick people. Between December 2020 and the present moment, the number of intensive care unit beds in hospitals financed by the federal government has dropped from 12,003 to 3,187, a fall of 73,4% that coincides with the worsening of pandemic and the circulation of the “Cepa de Manaus”; while it leaks in the press the fact that minister Pazuello had received information on the lack of oxygen in Manaus and did nothingconcerning it. It is not the question of speaking of negligence but in his invisible transfusion for a society in torpor: the genocide crime against the people’s masses by the hands of a nefarious military government.

On the other hand, in this complex and extreme situation in which the Nation is, while those above cannot rule anymore, because of the unstoppable struggles between the fractions of the ruling classes and between their groups of power, aggravated by the general crisis and the threat of explosion of riots all over the country, those below do not accept to go on as before.  Either by the grade of misery and oppression of their existence that pushes them to growing and radicalized protests, or by the outrage at the putrefaction of the political system, with which they do not have any credibility links anymore. The boycott record registered last elections as well as the coldness and indifference the winners have been received, is a safe signal that the political consciousness of large layers of the masses advances, although partly confused by the Bolsonarist preaching that, aiming to attack their legitimate targets, has only reinforced their worst prejudicies ( a problem whose key-elements to solve is the action of the true democrats and revolutionaries who have understood as ever the road to be followed).

The next act of this tragedy will certainly be more sufferings and seismic shocks that will bring the great opportunity for the most complete and deeper and more liberating change for our people and motherland. It will be a crime not to use it at maximum. However, such an attitude has already been conjured in our country for decades of implacable and inseparable combat to imperialism, their local lackeys and the revisionists besides all opportunism.