Bolsonaro’s interventions in several executive bodies, as part of the palace struggle between the far right-wing and the right-wing of the reactionary High Command of the Armed Forces (ACFA) for the leadership of the preventive counter-revolutionary offensive, have increased in recent weeks.
The Federal Police, for instance, which command is aligned with the military and civil right-wing (nucleus of the establishment, ACFA, the select group of the procurators, the owners of the large corporations of agrobusiness, industrial and banking sectors, tops of the monopoly of the printed press, everything monitored by the Yankee imperialism), will be the target of Bolsonaro’s intervention and Anderson Torres, a personal friend of the fascist’s children, appointed as the new director of the institution.
For the command of the Public Federal Ministry, another body under the control of the right wing, Bolsonaro has designated Augusto Aras who, though having a PT past, has been chosen after a long period of secret non-official negotiations with Bolsonaro. Raquel Dodge, imposed by ACFA, through Temer, affirmed to be necessary “to stay alert with the risks to democracy”.
All those “rearrangements” are visible aspects of a much stronger fight. They are the expression of an increasingly fierce competition between the interests of the ruling classes fractions, in the face of the deep crisis of decomposition of the backward bureaucratic capitalism in the country. Fights that have happened to impose “reforms” to increase people’s exploitation and the policies of the traitors of the motherland. All of this and the inevitable people’s uprising, more and more revolted, are parts of the long and tortuos process of breakdown of a way with no return that Brasil has been following.
Such a present political situation is the product of the convergence of factors as for instance the general crisis of decomposition of the bureaucratic capitalism ( a deep recession since 2015 that has been going between fragile signals of slow recovery, pointing out to more decline and depression), the agony of the corrupt political system without legitimacy and credibility against which a new cycle of people’s revolts have started and quite well expressed with the 56 million people who have boycotted last elections. A political situation that has turned on the red light of the old order of the danger of the revolution and against which the reaction has unleashed initially its preventive conter-revolutionary offensive, “Lava Jato”. A situation aggravated by the impact of the general crisis of imperialism that expands. It is the general crisis of the bureaucratic path of the old order.
This counter-revolutionary offensive unfastened preventively goals to fulfill the three tasks for saving the old decayed order: 1)To recover the economy for boosting the decayed bureaucratic capitalism; 2) to restructure the old State with a regime of absolute centralization of power in the Executive to provide with total control and unification of the State actions and 3) to enhance repression and harden the penal law against the people’s struggle to conjure the danger of revolution and crush people’s rebellion. The extreme military and civil right-wing (Bolsonaro group guided by Olavo de Carvalho, troops of sub-officers and sargeants of the reactionary Armed Forces, heads of Pentecostal churches and others) and the military and civil right-wing led by ACFA want to impose such a regime of absolute centralization in the Executive; however, there is a crucial division on the way this political regime of salvation of the old order should take.
ACFA, that has triggered the preventive counter-revolutionary offensive combined with the Yankee plan to deepen the militarization in Latin America, seeks to facilitate this regime by the constitutional path, not for the sake of any sort of “democracy” but for believing that to impose a military regime nowadays would result in a wide resistance in the Brazilian society of total repudiation and opposition to the militaries. With Bolsonaro accidental election, though ACFA has taken the government and imposed a “de facto rule”, the obstination of the president’s fascist group to impose a military rule has opened the dispute for the leadership of the counter-revolutionary offensive. Division and struggle have radicalised within the limits involving all the old State institutions and such a division and struggle have as a centre the crisis in the Armed Forces.
And the military crisis aggravated with palace fights has gained a new ingredient with the “Militaries Social Welfare Reform” that has set the troops and the officership – full of privileges – at each others’ throats. Troops so far aligned to Bolsonaro are now questioning the president for betraying the commitment and promises made to them. With his inconvenient statements, Bolsonaro has been propagating his extreme stances, especially with the troops, and seeks to gain new followers maintaining the former ones who suspect that the ‘old’ extremist Bolsonaro is not the same since he has been trapped by the AFCA generals.
Besides these two ultra-reactionary strands which dispute the leadership of the counter-revolutionary offensive in the internal struggle of the ruling classes of big bourgeois and landlords, servants to imperialism, two other political and electoral forces operate. One is centre right-wing composed by traditional parties – PSDB, MDB, DEM,etc. – and several power groups of the old foxes of the electoral policy who are present, in general, in Parliament and Federal Supreme Court (STF). This centre right-wing profits from the split within the ongoing coup to impose timely defeats to the plans that influence directly their private interests. Another political force that tries to survive joining the worshippers of the old democracy and their “ Democratic Rule of Law” is the false oportunist electoral left-wing (PT, PcdoB, Psol, besides PSB,PPS and PDT) and their trotskite satellites and/or post-modern ones (PSTU, PCO, PCB).
As part of the movement of these two forces – centre right-wing and false left-wing – for the last months at STF, Dias Toffoli and Alexandre de Morais have imposed an “inquire” that has been used by the Court in investigations on “attacks to the Supreme Court” – and has been exclusive to the Public Federal Ministry. This centre right-wing operation has been launched by taking advantage of the commotion caused by the extreme right-wing attacks to STF during the institutional crisis in April, brought in evidence last edition.
This “inquire” has already undertaken search and seizure at the home of a right-wing general, Paulo Chagas, who flirts with bolsonarism, being suspected of attacks to the institution, causing a big hustle between the right-wing and far right-wing. Thus, the ministers are preparing themselves to discourage any attempt for promoting operations similar to “Lava Jato” in STF.
Although Toffoli and other STF ministers (Carmen Lucia, Alexandre de Moraes, Celso de Mello and others) have been stationed by the generals and surrendered more or less easily to the pressures of the counter-revolutionary offensive, the housing and political stance of those people are the centre right-wing and the mediocre defense of a dehydrated “Democratic Rule of Law”. Moreover, as the counter-revolutionary offensive has as a task the absolute centralization of power in the Executive, it will invariably shock with the groups of power which hegemonizes nowadays the other two “powers” of the Republic.
Another episode that has been an unexpected blow against ACFA ( it unleashed and now commands “Lava Jato”), in immediate benefit of the opportunism centre right-wing, refers to the leaking of Moro’s messages to prosecutors disclosing the secret machination of the counter-revolutionary offensive and putting at stake the whole modus operandi. Luiz Inácio’s release and, consequently, several big shots can stop all the advancement of the counter-revolutionary plan to “wash away the façade” of the political system through the institutional road and even impair it.
The complete failure of “Lava Jato” by the moral cruzade and misleading salvation for the motherland would scandalize the society and launch more demoralization over the institutions besides creating a chaos. The far right-wing which preaches morality and undermines “Lava Jato”, which circles its components, would gain with its failure which would benefit the institutional rupture so favourable to the imposition of the fascist order by that force preached as the “only salvation to the nation” even before the “terrible danger of communism”.
To avoid the end of “Lava Jato”, the ACFA generals ( covered by “the heavy artillery” of the press monopoly) have been constrained on a daily basis to abandon its intentions of judging Moro’s suspicion and of releasing Luiz Inácio. They shock with Gilmar Mendes about it, a born representative of the centre right-wing. With menaces and warnings, the generals affirm that any decisive movement contrary to ”Lava Jato” will launch the country into a constitutional chaos, disorder and anarchy, because they can lose to the extreme right-wing the position in to reactionary public opinion. A situation in which, for not losing completely the control of the State leadership, would oblige them to station once and for all the tanks in the streets on behalf of maintaining the constitutional order without knowing what would become of the military crisis and how the masses would react.
Between the three reactionary forces – extreme right-wing, right-wing and centre right-wing – the rallying point is the irrevocable defence of the old order of exploitation and opression by any means, although they diverge on the political way to be embraced. They will battle with each other, as they have already done, but will be ready, in the long run, to be united when the people’s masses raise in large uprisings with the appearance of a revolutionary counter-offensive. In this situation, the opportunism field will be at first swaying aimlessly but most of it will end up joining the reaction.
If the extreme right-wing is able to impose the military fascist regime it preaches, together with the military right-wing, the centre right-wing and opportunism will tend to maintain themselves in an intermediary field between revolution and counter-revolution, shouting “neither one nor the other” but only temporarily. If the right-wing prevails over the extreme right-wing, imposing its way of maximum power centralization in the Executive, hidden by the constitutional veil and “democratic” face, in the long run, as much the centre right-wing as most of the false opportunist left-wing – thirsty for power – will be united to the counter-revolutionary offensive opposed to revolution.
Brasil has started a new period of major storms. The democratic road for the people’s masses has been renewing its forces. Inevitably, they will conceive and organize their key fight instruments; they will know how to restore the proletarian revolutionary party to spearhead their revolutionary counter-offensive. By challenging the wind and the tides, this counter-offensive will transform into a powerful hurricane to sweep away, in a stormy and protracted war, piece by piece, all the secular backwardness the people and Nation have been submitted to, wiping off the map the three mountains of oppression: landownership, imperialism –mostly Yankee – and the bureaucratic capitalism.
For the people’s masses – which are the political forces, capable of extraordinary, unthinkable transformations -, masses historically exploited and oppressed, today even more trampled down and cheated by the four forces of the ruling classes, there is only the combative and violent path. For the democratic and revolutionary persons who defend and assume the maximum interests of the masses, only one attitude is possible: to abandon the constitutional illusions and prepare for the hard and protracted struggle, merging into the masses. In brief, to wage and develop the great battle, persisting relentlessly up to the victory of the New Democracy Revolution.
