Temer and Meireles, the executioners of the people

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General crisis of imperialism and the semicolonial and semifeudal condition

The political crisis that worsens in the dispute between the power groups entrenched in the Three Powers of the Republic and that on the basis of the economic crisis of bureaucratic capitalism has already turned into a fierce struggle, is an expression of the strife between the bureaucratic and comprador fractions of the local bourgeoisie, in which both seek to attract for themselves the support of the landlord class, to decide who dominates the state apparatus more to their benefit and to serve more imperialism, especially the Yankee.

The strife in the field of politics, with the blows hitted by Lava Jato operation, with the argues involving governors, deputies, senators, judges, prosecutors, ministers of higher courts and the press monopoly, with accusations, testimonies, leaks, betrayals and ruptures, is where it manifests itself in a more dynamic way. Partisan acronyms or their politicians who form such power groups and represent these fractions of the local ruling classes use the structures of State institutions under their control to strike their contenders. However, behind the "Lava-Jato" operation, the imperialist hand manages in order to save its domination system by cleaning up its demoralized and discredited institutions by unmasking and punishing the summits of its parties, in addition to the technocrats and entrepreneurs who have supported them through corruption in the management of public affairs. They try to convince the public that the problem is not the rotten system, but the political individuals.

In parliament, Temer, complying with the imperialist orders, even using the old policy of "it is giving that we receive", is pushing with increasing difficulties its allied base, even more now, after Renan's Outsourcing PEC (Proposed Constitutional Amendment) and other measures without hearing of the Senate, where also the power groups of the fractions of these ruling classes are disputing.

The announcement of opinion polls indicates what some generals have joked about the possibility of his exit, if things go wrong. Anyway, the opinion of the Superior Electoral Court's rapporteur on the election of the Dilma-Temer plaque is for its annulment, all depending on the way things are going with the market, read banks, IMF, World Bank and speculators in general. The discrediting of politicians, companies and institutions only increases with each testimony. And with the accusations against Aécio, if Cabral and Cunha make a plea bargain for everything they know, in desperation to reduce their penalties, we will have material beyond the Odebrecht’s “End-of-the-World” testimony.

In the field of economics, in turn, the crisis continues to deepen with each announcement of unemployment rates, always on the rise, the growth of the country like a ponytail (downwards), the breakdown of small and medium companies, the fabulous banks profits and the denationalization of lands and mines. In contrast to this picture we see the rattling of economists and heralds of the communication monopolies, market vassals, to promise wonders if imperialist adjustment measures are implemented. Far from its desires and illusions, the present crisis, by its prolongation and symptoms, is already characterized as a crisis not only in the purely economic sense but as a general crisis of bureaucratic capitalism, secularly sick and dying in the midst of the general crisis of imperialism.


Such constant measures of the imperialist prescription, in order to be implemented, need hands to manage it with the speed as of the executioner’s in the handling of the ax, the gallows or the guillotine.

The makeup of this crisis by the PT's opportunism to secure the reelection of Dilma Rousseff, delaying the measures of fiscal adjustment imposed by imperialism, led to the inevitable economic crisis exploding amid the political crisis of fractional disputes, opening the way for its replacement by the duo Temer and Meireles in State management. In the sole purpose of docilely Temer acting in politics, transforming into law what the stateless Meireles, in charge of the IMF and the World Bank, applied from the arsenal of adjustment measures. Thus, further deepening the exploitation and suffering of the people, as well as national subjugation.

Dilma's impeachment was not on the imperialist plan as it applied its policy, it was a product of the political crisis itself and the strifes of the power groups within it. However the amendment resulted better than the sonnet, since for the performance of this mission “people-skinner” and “sell-motherland” Temer and Meireles are even more qualified. Both already properly schooled and qualified in management such as that of Cardoso and Luís Inácio for their qualities subservient to the politics and dictates of the agencies of imperialism.

Policies such as limiting public expenditures, condition for renegotiating state debts, repatriation of money improperly placed abroad (corruption), release of resources from inactive Guarantee Fund for Length of Service (FGTS) accounts, end of payroll exemptions of companies with intensive use of labor, liberation of one billion Reais for cattle farmer after Operation "weak meat," not to mention anti-people reforms of Social Security and Labor, including Outsourcing, to embody the imperialist interests, the comprador fraction of the big bourgeoisie mainly, and the latifundia.

However, although it strikes the people hard by increasing both the rate of exploitation and surplus value, it drains the extorted resources of the population to the banks and “agribusiness” and brutally cuts off the already extremely critical and chaotic social areas budget, such adjustments are proving to be innocuous for the old order to achieve its fallacious goals of "reactivating the economy", "resuming growth", "generating more jobs" and "cleaning up public finances" in the face of the colossal economic crisis and the old state finances bankruptcy, within the general crisis of imperialism.

General crisis of imperialism and the semicolonial and semifeudal condition

We have affirmed the semicolonial and semifeudal condition of our country, observing Lenin's definition that with the rise of imperialism the world was divided between a handful of oppressive nations and a vast majority of oppressed and exploited nations, these being divided between colonies and semicolonies.

The semicolonies, as is the case in Brazil, are constituted by States which, in appearance, are sovereign, but in essence, are dominated by imperialism that exercises its domination through lackey ruling classes, which compete among themselves for the commanding positions of State institutions such as the executive, the legislative and the judiciary, placing them at the service of their exploitative class interests. Thus we affirm that the Brazilian State is a bourgeois-latifundia State servant to imperialism.

Historically in Brazil, since imperial times under English semicolonialism, and after the rise of imperialism under English domination and later, Yankee, "governments" - actually shift managements - have led the country under the reins of national subjugation, which is the policy imposed by imperialism, so that semi-colonial / semi-feudal countries serve as complementary economy.

In moments of deep crisis like that which erupted from 2008, imperialism increases its eagerness over the colonies and semicolonies in order to keep their gains at the expense of the greater looting of them, directly, grabbing even more their mineral resources, for the control and extortion of the national budget and the withdrawal of workers' rights. Everything to raise the rate of exploitation with the consequent increase of its profits.

Revolutionary situation in development

It is not too much to say that the crisis in the economy produces the strifes between the power groups representing the fractions of the ruling classes opening a political crisis that in its deepening ends up involving the society from top to bottom. This strife for control of the State apparatus for gaining more or losing less becomes radicalized while to face the economic crisis, increase the degree of exploitation on the masses, which in turn, rebel against this state of affairs and are increasingly repressed by greater violence. This is the objective revolutionary situation: those above cannot govern as before and those below can no longer live in the conditions of the old order.

Those from above unleash a reactionary civil war against the countryside and city people who are desperately defending their trampled rights, responding with land taking in the countryside and increasingly belligerent protests in the cities. Such a situation depends on the minimal existence of a determined revolutionary vanguard to turn the protests and struggles of the masses in the countryside and in the city into revolutionary actions for the conquest of political power. In perspective the executioners of the people will not escape.

Edição impressa


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