The agony of bureaucratic capitalism

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Charge: Vini

The almost unchanged prevalence of opportunism and revisionism, expressed in rightist lines and reformist illusions, in the direction of the Communist Party of Brazil - and which was the main cause of having frustrated, until today, all the opportunities for the realization of the democratic revolution In Brazil - condemned our country to the shackles of semicoloniality and semifeudality. The inappetence of the local ruling classes, lying in the splendid cradle of this anachronistic base, enjoying the benefit from the Casa Grande, served to make imperialism - monopolist capitalism, parasitic and decomposing and agonizing - engender in our country of late capitalism a backward capitalism, of bureaucratic type, as a platform for the nation’s riches bloodletting and unlimited exploitation of the people, while allowing the local ruling classes to raise profitable commissions, proper to the lackeys.

Unlike the Yankee and European bourgeoisie, which with its revolution swept feudalism to found the democratic republic and to consolidate the National States surrounded by strategic protections, the Brazilian ruling classes, like the equivalents of the other oppressed nations, used their bureaucratic-latifundia state to subordinately associate themselves with the monopolies and conglomerates of the international financial capital, maintaining the semifeudality underlying, through the evolution of its forms.

Apparent modernity

As a true outbreak, industrialization and urbanization took place in Brazil at the hands of imperialism, mainly Yankee, with the bureaucratic capitalism, platform of its exploration in search of the maximum profit, that here began to develop, generating an appearance of modernity. The prevalence and reproduction of a semifeudal basis, however, revealed its essence as a semifeudal and semicolonial country.

At the time, analysts of various degrees of the Academy theorized about the coexistence of these two situations with theses of the type "two Brazils", "Belindia" (Belgium and India), however, without emphasizing that modernity and extreme misery were both aspects of the same unity of opposites. The imperialist exploitation that presented modernity as appearance and misery as essence, as sung by the people’s poet Patativa do Assaré, in his poetry "Brazil from below and Brazil from above."

The path of national subjugation

Yankee imperialism, however, had more refined theses, such as the "teses cepalinas"(ECLAC theses) from ECLAC, organ of the United Nations, which advocated the possibility of the country developing under the heel of imperialist exploitation. True siren song, these theses charmed the "best" economists and sociologists at the Academy.

The central question of these theses that swarmed in the 50s, 60s, and 70s of the last century is that they all stem from the maintenance of power in the hands of the same ruling classes. Without questioning the alliance of the comprador-bureaucratic big bourgeoisie with the latifundia, tied with imperialism, they served to preserve it.

The Communist Party dominated by opportunist directions, in a shortsighted view of the national reality given to the mechanistic and dogmatic handling of Marxism, proposed as a way for the country's development to put itself in towed by the bureaucratic fraction of this great bourgeoisie - mistakenly taking it for the national bourgeoisie, when this, since its origin and just like the landlords, were tied to imperialism, mainly Yankee whom they served and continue serving like lackeys.

The Road to the Democratic Revolution

The military-fascist coup of 1964, schemed and executed by the Yankees in collusion with the big bourgeoisie and latifundia, encouraged various sectors of the nation such as youth, honest intellectuals and the working class to try to understand the causes of this reality and the way to achieve its overcoming.

Among the left-wing currents that came closest to a dialectical explanation for the existence of the old order and the way to overcome it were those which, moving away from Soviet Khrushchevist revisionism, approached Mao Tsetung's Thought. The Communist Party of Brazil of Pedro Pomar e Grabois, the Communist Party of Brazil - Red Wing and the Revolutionary Communist Party of Amaro Luiz de Carvalho and Manoel Lisboa and the Popular Action - Marxist-Leninist.

Highlighting the importance of the peasantry as the main ally of the proletariat in the stage of the Democratic Revolution through the strategy of the protracted people's war with the siege of the city by the countryside, these organizations drew the special attention of the repressive organs of the old state and the reactionary armed forces for their Annihilation.

It is worth noting that only the combination of repression efforts would not be enough for the destruction of these organizations, if it was not the penetration within it of revisionist and capitulationist theses to abandon the revolutionary line of Protracted People's War. A clear proof of such a deviation was demonstrated when all these organizations, instead of deepening the assimilation of Maoism, exchanged it for revisionist daydreams, some for the "left-wing frontism" or "tactical party", others for legalism and parliamentary cretinism, etc., Swamp where the followers of Khrushchev, Guevarism-Castroism and Trotskyism were already sinking. In the case of the countryside as the main force, conception affirmed by the Mao Tsetung Thought, instead of adopting the serious and correct balance of the experience of the Araguaia Guerrilla correctly formulated by Pedro Pomar, the Amazonas clique served the Albanian revisionism of Enver Hoxha To liquidate the Communist Party as a revolutionary party and, under the acronym PCdoB, gave rise to a new revisionist party.

The failure of these organizations can not be deducted from the scientific theses of Marxism development as Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, but the predominance in them of a wrong line in the analysis of the country's reality, forget the characteristics of the party of new type and the need of the Workers-Peasant Alliance in the formation of the United Front. The emergence of the People's War in countries such as Peru and India is proving the validity of the road of the Democratic Revolution and New Democratic Revolution.

The harbinger of death

The deep crisis in which imperialism sinks in its irreversible process of decay is easily visualized by inter-imperialist altercations. Take, for example, relations between USA and Russia, USA and Europe, United Kingdom and Germany to see the depth of the crisis and how far it is from overcoming it. This crisis further urges the class struggle in the imperialist territories themselves, while the immigrants issue has grown worse to the point where it finds no minimum solution within the limits of imperialism.

To wish to pass on the idea that Brazil, as a semicolony, whose bourgeois-latifundian state, a lackey of imperialism, under a regime of bureaucratic capitalism, develops against the imperialist crisis, in addition to defending the old order, besides sycophancy, is, frankly, stupidity and sheer dishonesty of Henrique Meireles' brand rental economists and his bunch of acquaintances.

The increase in the level of exploitation of workers, the annihilation of indigenous nations, the mass murder of peasants, the slaughter in the slums, and the continued genocide of the poor, combined with the advance of the country's mineral and vegetable reserves and the direction of all the economy, relying more and more on primary production for export - all aimed at satisfying the insatiable voracity of the financial system - is the inevitable consequence that the imperialist decomposition has already reached worldwide.

In addition to the power groups and their representatives in the rotten institutions of the old state, lackeys such as Temer and the gang that assaulted the management of the old state create another fighting front against the people and the Nation.

Nothing can save them from ruin, for all their blatant obstinacy is nothing more than just one of the chapters of class struggle in our society, a class struggle that has entered its highest stage, that of the violent and prolonged struggle which the proletariat and the people’s masses of our country are approaching calling for a direction, a program and a strategy that can liquidate all this old order and the construction of a new order.
The general crisis of decomposition of bureaucratic capitalism in Brazil in the midst of this deep and acute imperialist world crisis has brought to the surface an unprecedented political crisis in which the different factions of the ruling classes face each other in a spiral of violence, where each one uses the apparatus that controls in the old state machine to crush its contender. Hence the ferocious and endless strive between structures of the so-called "three powers", and the increasing division in the parties of its rotten political system, in the monopolies of the press (example, Rede Globo plays to overthrow Temer and The State of São Paulo states to sustain It) impacting public opinion.

The crisis will continue to deepen and today's situation may seem lethargic facing its worsening. All the political forces of the right, center and left are interpreting and organizing their political intervention and much water will still pass under the bridge until a more definitive outcome of this crisis.

Yet, though moribund, bureaucratic capitalism and its corrupt political regimes will remain unburied, dragging the country and the people into terrible calamities. Only the Democratic, Agrarian and Anti-imperialist Revolution can destroy them and establish a new order, New Democracy and New Brazil. And this will cost a long and bloody fight.

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