Editorial - The unhappy ending of a class conciliation project

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The polarization generated around the legal proceedings by the General Republic Attorney (PGR) and accepted by the judiciary, Judge Sergio Moro, has ended up contributing so that the passion could speak louder than the facts. For sure, it was not a foolishness which made Luiz Inácio and PT victms of the political persecution as some analists believe. On the contrary, everything follows a desperate plan of a divided establishment, trying to make feasible the election of a more reliable president by the Single Party acronym, mostly PSDB.

But which plan would it be? To maintain under attack Luiz Inácio and the PT to give him a raised platform, strengthening them as a danger and a threat in case of their return to the country’s presidency. What for? To create the useful ballots for a PSDB candidate. Just in case Lula’s candidacy grows to threaten them to the point of a second election turn, they will act as they did with Dilma’s impeachment and Luiz Inácio’s conviction, making his candidacy unfeasible. The ruling and exploiting classes show off their “Democratic State of Law” just for violating their constitutional and legal limit whenever it is necessary to do it.

So that the trickster character of this trial can be demonstrated – without giving it any merit let alone PT’s and Luiz Inácio’s responsibilities concerning Petrobrás and constractors’ corruption affairs - we are supposed to go back to 2002 when his first election of the Brazilian State occurred.

After the three unsuccessful disputes, raising the banners of historical people’s demands as the agrarian reform, besides the rethorics of the petty-bourgeois radicalism, PT decides to ellaborate a declared class conciliation project, profiting from the people’s growing unsatisfaction with their very badly life conditions. Such a situation has been aggravated by the exchange crisis resulting from the PSDB’s eight years management which has shaken its electoral feasibility.

Firstly, a list of candidates was created having a representative of the great bourgeoisie, bureaucratic fraction, José de Alencar, as a vice-president. Secondly, for tranquilizing the “market” and the Yankee Embassy, a “Letter to the Brazilian People” was produced, expressing accordance to the national subjugation policy that had been imposed by imperialism, mostly Yankee; from then on he was self-denominated “Lula, peace and love”.

After being elected he did what he had preached, respecting all the contracts signed by Cardoso management with IMF, World Bank and White House. A landlord was made the Agriculture Minister, the market gave the welcome to the fox, Henrique Meirelles - newly-elected as a PSDB federal deputy- to look after the poultry-yard, that is, the Central Bank.

Luiz Inácio, at half of his management, was boasting himself that ever, in the Brazilian History, the banks and rich people, in general, had earned so much money. For that he opened the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES) doors and set the credit wide open.

As part of the project of class conciliation, the ruling classes - used to the maximum profit - had to swallow the World Bank programme, the unsuccessful “Zero Hunger”, later on transformed into “Family Purse” as a consolation for the poorest of the country. This has given PT and its electioneering opportunist front the basis to bring forth the electoral customers besides cooptating the union and people’s organizations.

Time passing by, the relationship between opportunism and its bosses has reached a stage which demanded redefinition of the agreement. The 2008 world economic crisis was charging the colonies the payment for the imperialism losses.

In Dilma Rousseff ‘s management the ‘market’ required the implementation of a liberal programme which would mostly mean to withdraw the workers’s rights and take possession of their profit through the unemployment and tightening of monetary policy.

With cooptation policy and corporativation of the workers’s organizations, PT has disarmed the proletariat and the public employees for facing the class enemy – cooptating the Union Centres – and using Conastag and MST in their bureaucratic structures, changing their actions for supporting the government while organizing the most coward repression against the combative peasant movement through the genocide “Peace in the Country”. Thus, it has consolidated the alliance with the most reactionary sector of the society with their old politics of “one gives and one receives back”.

With Rousseff’s second election - in a political campaign where she denied the withdraw of the workers’s rights, declaring that, under her management, such a thing would never happen - right after elected she summoned a banker, Joaquim Levy, for implementing a programme defended by her opponent, AécioNeves/PSDB. Because of the boycott from PT militants, the banker did not succeed doing it. The economic, social, political and moral crisis, impeachment, mandate cassation and Lava Jato came up into which the country has been plunged.

As we have previously warned, the constitution of Lava Jato Operation, managed by the Yankee Embassy and Rede Globo, aims to wash out the system façade for changing the serious credibility and legitimacy crisis of the rotten institutions of the Old State. To make it truth it has attacked a large specter of the party leaderships for reaching the politicians involved in corruption and fees originated from the contractors and Petrobrás. But aiming directly at the PT representatives, just because they have one day been leftists – as for instance José Dirceu and Luiz Inácio among others - it pointed to destroy the left as being corrupt and thus debilitate any truly revolutionary perspective, amidst the serious domination crisis that has settled in the country.

The American-oriented persons in PGR, Judicial Branch and High Command of the Army Forces, instigating delation, promoted as plea bargain, have thrown the net for catching all kinds of fish but preferably the PT members.

The Courts performances are nothing but a scene game for conducting their previous plans already outlined by imperialism and its bloodhounds.

Even swearing loyalty to the bureaucratic fraction of the big bourgeoisie, the PT opportunism cannot remake its class conciliation project based on assistencialism and imitation of development as they have already been used – and played the role of bloodhounds – for following the pretended proposals of the ruling classes on the Old State management. Now it has been reserved for them a second role as an auxiliary force of the old order.

It is not the first time in history that opportunism meets with disappointment, making place for the most reactionary sectors of the ruling classes. One day they were leftists and posing as such, being even labelled as communists by the fascist right, and described as populist left by PSDB and others. As a matter of fact, nothing more wrong! Strictly speaking, PT cannot even be considered as bourgeois socialist. Its miserable destiny is only to be a minor partner in the adminstration of the landlord bourgeois State, at the service of imperialism.

NÃO SAIA AINDA… O jornal A Nova Democracia, nos seus mais de 18 anos de existência, manteve sua independência inalterada, denunciando e desmascarando o governo reacionário de FHC, oportunista do PT e agora, mais do que nunca, fazendo-o em meio à instauração do governo militar de fato surgido do golpe militar em curso, que através de uma análise científica prevíamos desde 2017.

Em todo esse tempo lutamos e trouxemos às claras as entranhas e maquinações do velho Estado brasileiro e das suas classes dominantes lacaias do imperialismo, em particular a atuação vil do latifúndio em nosso país.

Nunca recebemos um centavo de bancos ou partidos eleitoreiros. Todo nosso financiamento sempre partiu do apoio de nossos leitores, colaboradores e entusiastas da imprensa popular e democrática. Nesse contexto em que as lutas populares tendem a tomar novas proporções é mais do que nunca necessário e decisivo o seu apoio.

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Jornal A Nova Democracia
Editora Aimberê

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Expediente

Diretor Geral 
Fausto Arruda

Editor-chefe 
Matheus Magioli Cossa

Conselho Editorial 
Alípio de Freitas (In memoriam)
Fausto Arruda
José Maria Galhasi de Oliveira
José Ramos Tinhorão 
José Ricardo Prieto
Henrique Júdice
Hugo RC Souza
Matheus Magioli Cossa
Montezuma Cruz
Paulo Amaral 
Rosana Bond

Redação 
Matheus Magioli Cossa
Ana Lúcia Nunes
Matheus Magioli
Rodrigo Duarte Baptista
Vinícios Oliveira