The counter-revolutionary offensive, fascism and the New Democracy

The extreme right-wing with the connivance and support of the military right-wing of the High Command of the reactionary Armed Forces (ACFA), in face of the danger of a hundredfold people’s rebellion similar to 2013-2014, puts on alert all those with the slightest democratic feeling.

The demonstrations that took to the streets in the last weeks had a positive impact on the democratic intellectuality and the people’s masses. They displayed not only people’s disgust at fascism but inevitably raised a question about what democracy the progress of the country claims: the only one able to sweep away this secularly incubated fascism that, from time to time, raises its viper head, and leads to the social and national liberation of our Motherland.

And it could not stop being a government of wicked and nozzles - as the most faithful and pathetic portrait of a putrefying and agonizing system of the old bourgeois democracy, that is, the bourgeois dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie and landlords – to be the brooder of the snake egg. The deterioration of this brutal system of exploitation and oppression of the people hit all the plans: political, economic, social and cultural. And the death toll that plagues the country exposes the bastard and filthy morals of the people’s leeches and society’s parasites.

The ruling classes in internal struggle to define which regime will save their system from collapse go into the open struggle not only in the hiding places of their institutions – those whitewashed tombs called Three Powers -, but fight to manoeuvre the masses that begin to take over the streets and try to impose to the people’s protests their musty slogan of ‘democracy’, the democracy of the rich. They dishonorably input the word ‘democracy’, empty of focus in the real contradictions of our society, to brandish it everywhere at all times as opposed to the palace coup plots.

The defenders of the military coup d’état, the old newspapers: O Globo, o Estado de São Paulo e a Folha de São Paulo – born from the junction with the fascist militia – press monopolies and historical spokesmen of these same ruling classes and their counter-revolutionary bureaucratic system, went on  attacking. They trumpet as if they have always been the guardians of democracy ( of course, the democracy of Paulo Guedes’ economy, the “labour reform”, the “social security reform”, the  pandemic emergency measures with the “reduction working hours with reduced wages”, “temporary suspension of the employment contract”, etc.) And now, feeling threatened in their interests, become brave and go to the open attack to this government of a wicked man who relies on the most retrogressive forces in our society, the corporate lumpesinato, gangs of militiamen and troops hidden in barracks. As well as unwary portions of the people’s masses numb by the religious fundamentalism.

And there is the torrent of editorials and articles on the eminent democracy of these newspapers and the global brainwashing industry, the falsification of reality. They strive to qualify poor peasants who fight for the land as bandits, to criminalize simplest strike of workers, attacked by misery, take the unrepentant persecutory crusade to the fervent and combatant youth, lover of freedom and justice, under the xenophobic and chauvinistic nickname of “vandals”. However, to call Bolsonaro extremist or fascist they need to recite the anti-communist litany, reheat aggressions to Stalin and, to the anedoctal absurdity, accuse Lula and PT as lefty. We need to be patient. Nowadays, in this environment without any ethics one can say atrocities in spite of the common sense. Does not Olavo de Carvalho accuse the newspapers O Estadão and O Globo as acommunist press? Even fools like Eduardo Bolsonaro dare to philosophize about democracy, pompously citing Churchill’s phrase he has never uttered:” Fascists in the future will name themselves antifascists”.

Thus, the reactionaries as well as the whole false oportunist electoral left-wing try to sacrament the word ‘democracy’ to the immage and likeness of their tattered “Democratic State of Law”, as legitimizing the ongoing widespread system of exploitation and oppression. They try to do it by using an attack only on Bolsonaro who, in his incontinent verbiage, has been alienating foreign investors from the country and threatening the electoral farce. They try to do it making the contradiction as being between democracy in general ( or bourgeois democracy, or old democracy, as we want) versus fascism.

An old democracy

It is a ridiculous deception to oppose democracy in general as antithesis of fascism, for both are different forms of the bureaucratic-landowning dictatorship in our country and share the same social base ( big bureaucratic and compradora bourgeoisie and landownership, servants mainly of the Yankee imperialism). That is, they are different gvernment systems but express the same power system.

All over the world, within bourgeois democracy, the concentration and centralization of wealth and capital generate, day by day, constantly greater mass of miserable and proletarian people and an infinitely smaller handful of financial oligarchs that oblige the bourgeoisie to reduce rights, increase exploitation to compensate for the capital law for a downward trend in the profit rate and, as a consequence, restrict labour and union rights and, ultimately, the democratic freedoms as much as possible. Such a phenomenom, valid for all countries ruled by capital (imperialists or colonies-) semicolonies-semifeudals) shows that, in its monopoly phase, there is an inevitable tendency towards fascism, although it proceeds in internal disputes given the interbourgeois and interimperialist contradictions.

The democracy whose so-called ‘liberals’ are staunch defenders died, unfortunately for them, very old, decrepit wherever democratic bourgeois revolution have occurred ( the one which created and established the democratic republic, universal suffrage, civil rights and freedoms) either where they did not occur when the democratic republic is caricatural and the rights of people are mere formalities, violated and demeaned at every occasion.

The fact is that it no longer contains the needs of the material base to which it should serve and serves since the production relations on which they rest prevents the free development of the productive forces. The reason for growing, in the world, the tendency towards gradually more absolutist governments (even those who are said to be left-wing) is a direct product of this. To intend to return to that ‘magnificent’ liberal democracy of the 18th and 19th century is a dead dream.

José Carlos Mariátegui, surgically points out to the reason that bourgeois democracy was in crisis, already in the 1920s: “ The bourgeois demoliberal State was the product of the rise of the bourgeoisie  to the position of the ruling class. Now as then, the new game of economic forces and producers calls for a new political organization. The immobilized, petrified, democratic form, as those that have preceded it historically, can no longer contain the new human reality.” 

That is why the reaction mandatory attacks the rights of the masses either by maintaining democratic  their forms with contents increasingly emptied or through fascism, substantiating and denying these rights in absolute terms.

Ultra-reactionary democracy and fascism

It is certain that fascism is the most dangerous enemy of the modern society. Nevertheless, within the big bourgeoisie and landownership the ones who preach the democracy of denying rights and democratic freedoms to face crisis and confront Revolution pave the way to fascism with its exception laws and restrictions. As the steps taken in this direction, let us remember the Antiterrorism Law dictated by the Yankees to Dilma’s government and approved by the Congress.

In face of this important fact some persons commit a real crime when they aim, in the current situation, against fascist Bolsonaro only, letting aside the privileged caste of the ultra-reactionary generals who preach to advance overwhelmingly over democratic rights, preparing the ground for fascism that they themselves, by the way, are willing to reach out if necessary. Needless to say that, by not denouncing the Congress and the Judiciary as corrupt, their crimes and contribution to the reactionarization, they throw the masses to the side of the counterrevolutionary offensive (that aims against them ‘to moralize’ the system in the face of the public opinion), or beside the hipocritical ‘liberal’ reacionaries in defense of ‘democracy’ (which crushes the masses in a thousand ways) and against the redemptive Revolution.  

New Democracy versus Tendency to fascism

Therefore, there is no other way to abort fascism – there is no other fair meaning for antifascism - ,  than destroying the bases that generate this aberration and we must as well point out to those who prepare the ground for it. As far as we are concerned, it is about launching forth the New Democracy Revolution. This secular anomaly of our society, fascism, maintained and enhanced in our contemporary history, is a result of the non-existence of a triumphant democratic revolution, always fought and destroyed by iron, fire and blood so far by the genocide Armed Forces, who want to pose as the defenders of the Nation, the Motherland, the Democracy and the People. And a ‘strong arm’ against the people and the national interests, a ‘helping hand’ of the Yankee imperialism. Just resort to the facts of our history to check.

Therefore, the contradiction of our society is not fascism versus democracy in general but the tendency for fascism versus the new democracy. That is: the bureaucratic way of the reaction versus the democratic path of the people.

If it is unthinkable in the imperialist countries to want to return to the democracy of the times of its glory, the free competition, and more absurd here where it is nothing than a flare up on the archaic and anachronistic bases of semifeudality. Let us think over: if the essential of the bourgeois democracy are the democratic rights and national independence, when did they exist, in special for the people’s masses who live in the slums the absolute negation of the right to the organization, to the free manifestation and expression, in the hands of the thousands military and ‘militian’ forces? And what to say of the peasants under political, military and paramilitary straight control from the landownership, under servitude or semiservitude, stuck to the land or without any land?

The only path for democracy in Brasil, even in its strictly bourgeois sense, is the end of the semifeudal and bureaucratic bases. It is the confiscation of the landownership, the big capital tied to it ( big bourgeoisie) and the imperialism that sustains and takes advantage of it. As such, the Agrarian reform that is acclaimed by the peasant masses and democrats is urgent. This is the historical task, pending and delayed, without which it is not possible to establish the Democratic Republic and complete the national formation with its full sovereignty and independence. A task that, since the beginning of the contemporary era of our history, could and can only be resolved by the bourgeois revolution of the new type, the new democracy or the power of the exploited and oppressed masses: the proletariat as a leader through the Communist Party, the poor peasants ( the worker-peasant alliance), the urban petty-bourgeoisie and sectors of the middle bourgeoisie. A Revolution that prepares for the continuous transition to the socialist revolution.

NÃO SAIA AINDA… O jornal A Nova Democracia, nos seus mais de 18 anos de existência, manteve sua independência inalterada, denunciando e desmascarando o governo reacionário de FHC, oportunista do PT e agora, mais do que nunca, fazendo-o em meio à instauração do governo militar de fato surgido do golpe militar em curso, que através de uma análise científica prevíamos desde 2017.

Em todo esse tempo lutamos e trouxemos às claras as entranhas e maquinações do velho Estado brasileiro e das suas classes dominantes lacaias do imperialismo, em particular a atuação vil do latifúndio em nosso país.

Nunca recebemos um centavo de bancos ou partidos eleitoreiros. Todo nosso financiamento sempre partiu do apoio de nossos leitores, colaboradores e entusiastas da imprensa popular e democrática. Nesse contexto em que as lutas populares tendem a tomar novas proporções é mais do que nunca necessário e decisivo o seu apoio.

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Expediente

Diretor Geral 
Fausto Arruda (licenciado)
Victor Costa Bellizia (provisório)

Editor-chefe 
Victor Costa Bellizia

Conselho Editorial 
Alípio de Freitas (In memoriam)
Fausto Arruda
José Maria Galhasi de Oliveira
José Ramos Tinhorão (In memoriam)
Henrique Júdice
Matheus Magioli Cossa
Paulo Amaral 
Rosana Bond

Redação
Ana Lúcia Nunes
João Alves
Taís Souza
Gabriel Artur
Giovanna Maria
Victor Benjamin

Ilustração
Victor Benjamin