Fascist on a leash and generals giving the cards

The agitator and chaos-promoter Bolsonaro gave way in July to his contrary. Under the new open conditions with Queiroz prison ant the threat to arrest his wife, plus the rumors of the plea bargainning, the only way for Bolsonaro to maintain himself in power was this attitude. In this context, the negotiations with the “Centrão” have been opened, yielding positions in State boards and promoting the ‘give and take’ that he demonized so much. Well, well ! 

In July, the ‘battle horse’ between Bolsonaro and the generals government and the Congress was the permanence of the  Maintenance and Development Fund for the Basic Education (Fundeb), whose defeat he embittered. He was forced to endure it publicly, trying to erase the failure image and seeking to win votes for more important projects.

Later, at the request of “Centrão” and the High Command of the Armed Forces (ACFA)  directives, Bolsonaro is forced to switch the leadership of the Chamber, until then occupied by the Bolsonarist Victor Hugo (PSL), to a figure probably linked to that physiological antrum, making easier – paying well – to pass the measures the generals want. The leadership of the government in Senate, for instance, has been exercised by MDB party.

Still in July, the talkative fascist appointed political nominees for all boards of Fundeb in a striking singular ‘closed gate’ – as it is said in this worldly politics – that he claimed to be against.

Correlation of forces, fractions and groups

All this alternating fight and collusion are, at the one hand, reflections of the struggle between the ruling classes and their respective political power groups, aiming to win better positions according to their economic interests; and, on the other hand, for the direction of the State apparatus, mainly the three reactionary forces ( far right-wing, military-civil right-wing and parliamentary centre-right-wing). 

The Bolsonarist far right- wing, cornered, approaches the “Centrão” which it has always attacked, to prevent the impeachment and not to make their measures unfeasible – necessary to recover the economy and support itself with a social base within the ruling classes and even people’s support. All of this, of course, without losing sight its strategic objective: the military coup d’état culminating its fascist regime.

The military-civil right wing, in turn, follows the Sword of Damocles on Bolsonaro, and guaranteeing the ‘negotiation’ of the government with the parliament, to have the economic measures passed and boost  the bureaucratic capitalism, seeking to abort the inevitable social chaos and the mass rebellion. In the course of the counter-revolutionary offensive, it uses the Lava Jato Operation with which it has torpedoed the false left-wing to attack the centre right-wing (traditional right-wing) to be the most symbolic and demoralized putrefaction of the old Brazilian State and its political system, and, at the same time, manoeuvres with the same centre right-wing to isolate the Bolsonarist right-wing. The counter-revolutionary offensive unleashed in 2015, after the mass uprising in 2013/14, to recover the people’s legitimacy of the old State and its exploitation system, boosts the over-exploitation and conjures the risk of a Revolution.

A new episode of such an offensive, by the way, were the operations against José Serra and Geraldo Alckmin, at the end of July, which aim is to continue imposing political defeats to the centre right-wing, demoralise it in front of the public opinion and next keep impelling the power concentration in the Executive.

The parliamentary centre right-wing and the several power groups which act within it take advantage to impose more defeats to the  de facto military government – as much to the extre right-wing as to the right-wing – in a way to press itself to open more, yielding spaces and aiming at slowing down the counter-revolutionary offensive that, among other things, take down from them functions and power. Fundeb’s measure is part of such a clash. It imposes a burden to the government budget though, of course, it is irrelevant compared to the billions granted yearly to the banks!

Furthermore, the struggle still continues around which fraction of the big bourgeoisie – the bureaucratic, more linked to the State apparatus, or the compradora – will have the hegemony of the monopoly over the economy. The Eletrobras privatization has been in discussion, especially. Every one of the power groups, belonging to one of these fractions, alternate itself among the different forces depending on which project will grant them more hegemony and advantages. It is the bourgeois politics law ( exarcebated in a semifeudal, semicolonial country) : the ruling classes are deeply fragmented, divided into a thousand pieces in the struggle for individual interests, but mostly by the hegemony in the State apparatus, and unite the imposition of the policy dictated by the  imperialism with the withdrawal of rights of the workers and the surrender of the natural riches.

For these and other reasons, it has been impossible to the ruling classes and Yankee imperialism, in the context of the mass disgust to the old order and of aggravated general crisis of the bureaucratic capitalism, to adopt the necessary measures to save the exploitation and oppression system. From there the need, for the reaction, of the counter-revolutionary offensive which tries to impose a system to a sector of the ruling classes (agglutinated on the centre right-wing and even on the false opportunist left-wing, pointing out against the bureaucratic fraction of the big bourgeoisie, although it has a representation in part of the generals) the ‘solution by the force, the military coup, but being led step by step by ‘reforms’ of the current constitution.

It does not mean that such an offensive is against corruption: this is the device, the flag raised so that the public support it and it is possible to isolate the contender since the corruption – we know very well through the military regime history – as always, rages at the Armed Forces, particularly in its dome, idle bureaucratic caste, expert to plan everything and do nothing.

Nevertheless, who suffers more and will suffer with the advance of this offensive are the masses. To sweep the brute corruption – that drains the people’s tax money into the coffers of bankers, contractors and landlords -, to end the hunger and oppression, there is only the way of the Democratic, Agrarian and Anti-imperialist Revolution. Its stormy course fight, amidst a thousand difficulties, is doomed to triumph. At the end, the people will achieve their legitimate aspirations and, the Nation, its independence. #

NÃO SAIA AINDA… O jornal A Nova Democracia, nos seus mais de 18 anos de existência, manteve sua independência inalterada, denunciando e desmascarando o governo reacionário de FHC, oportunista do PT e agora, mais do que nunca, fazendo-o em meio à instauração do governo militar de fato surgido do golpe militar em curso, que através de uma análise científica prevíamos desde 2017.

Em todo esse tempo lutamos e trouxemos às claras as entranhas e maquinações do velho Estado brasileiro e das suas classes dominantes lacaias do imperialismo, em particular a atuação vil do latifúndio em nosso país.

Nunca recebemos um centavo de bancos ou partidos eleitoreiros. Todo nosso financiamento sempre partiu do apoio de nossos leitores, colaboradores e entusiastas da imprensa popular e democrática. Nesse contexto em que as lutas populares tendem a tomar novas proporções é mais do que nunca necessário e decisivo o seu apoio.

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Expediente

Diretor Geral 
Fausto Arruda (licenciado)
Victor Costa Bellizia (provisório)

Editor-chefe 
Victor Costa Bellizia

Conselho Editorial 
Alípio de Freitas (In memoriam)
Fausto Arruda
José Maria Galhasi de Oliveira
José Ramos Tinhorão (In memoriam)
Henrique Júdice
Matheus Magioli Cossa
Paulo Amaral 
Rosana Bond

Redação
Ana Lúcia Nunes
João Alves
Taís Souza
Gabriel Artur
Giovanna Maria
Victor Benjamin

Ilustração
Victor Benjamin