The situation of the truckdrivers is calamitous and the word ‘strike’ is again on the agenda. The recurrent increases in the price of the diesel oil – last one of 5% in the end of January – axfixiate the self-employed workers of the class as well as all sort of exploitation made by the large freight contractors carriers, whose payment does not fit the workforce that is spent on it plus the truck wear. Without mentioning the almost-slave regime of the wage-earners of the large carriers. Concerning the diesel increases, Petrobras affirms that aims to transform the domestic price compatible to the international price for compensating the importing companies operations. Such is the reflection of the terrible domination to which the Nation has been submmited to: take out from the truckdrivers to transfer to the large rotten wealthy shareholders, local and foreigners.
In an up roar, the government, harassed by the denounces of their most dreadful crimes against the people amidst the pandemic, does everything to abort the waged truckdrivers’ strike and divide the class. It is symptomatic that the one who has pronounced on the economic measures to stop the strike has been the brute general Augusto Heleno, responsible for the Institutional Security Office. It is a most serious situation for the police to look after.
On the other hand, Bolsonaro does not want to do anything to solve the truckdrivers’ demands. As a defender of the great-bourgeoisie interests – including the oil rentier sector and the monopoly of the freight contractors – , he does not see any injustice on burdening the interests of the capital. And, as well, he cannot do anything related to the escorting taxes as long as he must administer the old order generated by the imperialist domination and the national backwardness with which he has been compromised, whose consequence is the cronic fiscal crisis. Nevertheless, as a far-right wing skillful politician he tries everything, with words of the most pedantic way and cosmetic measures, as for instance the insignificant reduction in cutting-edges taxes (PIS/Cofins), to remove from himself the responsibility. With that, the fascist tries to create conditions to throw the fury of the strike, in case it happens, against the governors, those who have less fiscal possibility to deal with demagogic nogs with income taxes, searching electoral advantges from that. However, this is a fragile manoeuvre: one can see important truckers’ natural leadership saying they regret having believed in the captain election to improve their class conditions.
For the mass of the truckdrivers’ disgrace, the class has been divided and disorganized, as well as the whole proletariat. This is one of the reasons for low adherence to the strike. The disorganization level and fragmentation of their more elementar struggle instruments – as for instance tradeunions and associations -, crowded with opportunists and upkeepers of all kinds, create a horrible phenomenon: their potential conversion, early or later, as a manoeuvre mass of the reactionary groups’ insterests. As a matter of fact, for the decision of calling on the strike or not by the union leaders, the mass interests are not taken into account, but the reactionary political game. Even so, the truckdrivers mass has shown that they do not become discouraged and try to organize themselves.
The 2017 situation, the great 11 days strike, could only be possible, even under the mass disorganization, because it converged beyond their several economic multiple and contradictory interests (the ones of the freight and transport and contractors, self-employed truckdrivers and wage-earners) a unique demoralization of the shift government – Temer at the time – that allowed the union of a broad graduation of the class with a large support of all people’s masses though suffering all consequences of the shortage. Indeed, in case of a similar strike waged nowadays, all masses will support it with the same or a broader solidarity. However, today, without the convergence of these economic interests – from transport and self-employed persons – the only possibility of such a movement to reverberate is with the firm acting of the people’s and workers’ movement, waging the solidarity in a General Strike with the aim of changing all the force correlation of the political situation, placing the reactionary and ruling classes in defensive and imposing the more important agendas of the masses “goela deles a dentro” (pushing it into their throat). This would happen, were not for the opportunists.
The voices of the conciliation of the workers’ aristocracy were raised argumenting: “that is what Bolsonaro wants”. The justifications for doing nothing as many as one wants to find; the truth is that a large national strike, although stirring the scenery in which Bolsonaro’s plan becomes the more convenient for the reaction, creates as well the only scenery in which the masses themselves can obtain something. The opposites are feedbacked as it happens in abundance in life. Whereas today, the masses – ‘protected’ by the conciliation of the opportunist geniuses in the people’s movement – do not have anything to gain and are daily glogged by the hands of the dictatorship of a military government which concentrates a number of militaries superior to the 1964 regime. What, after all, is intended to avoid with the conciliation?
It is an unbreakable iron circle with neither suffering nor disgrace. Either the masses are mobilized, taking the risks to aggravate the march of the reactionary absolutism and, with it,the conditions to defeat it; or not to mobilize the masses and accept the defeat and the surrender to the reaction, allowing that it fulminates under no resistance the rights and interests of the people’s masses. This would be to permit the reaction to reach its objective without forcing to reveal its real face, the one of the pure and simple bloody repression, a tendency that Bolsonaro represents. This is the the question irremediably posed. The opportunists that tergiversate such a question are, in fact, concerned, not with the fascism raising with which they conciliate, but with the possibility to lose control over the people’s masses and see the boat of the old order – of which they are strong defenders – -and in which they embarked to capsize.
In the meantime, on top of the corpses and the suffering and pain of more than 227 million Brazilians, men and women, for the lost of more than thousand of their beloveds, Bolsonaro and generals happilly celebrate the Pyrric Victory in paliament. In the First Chamber the winner was Arthur Lira – weakening Rodrigo Maia group and soon his electoral capital. Its growing in the last months allowed him to dream of a candidacy for the presidency in 2022. In the Senate the winner was Rodrigo Pacheco.
Bolsonaro, besides trying to distinguish his relationship with the parliament to avoid the impeachment and become illegible in 2022, has also played to divide his electoral adversaries. The centre-right wing division, more especifically denominated “Centrão”, creates difficulties for the conformation of a strong presidential candidacy of this group. They were parcially successful, but the costs are too much high. Furthermore, he knows his triumph remains in what is a fascist element and that – as comproved by the historical experience -, such element has always been useful to the reaction for imposing the menaced order of a serious collapse. As the trend is the worsening of the march of the country towards barbarism , being as long in power as the bigger the chance his project to have success.
What does not have to be abyssal is the physiologism and the political prostitution of their partiamentary excellencies. “The one who pays more takes more” is the primary logic of those people. More than R$ 506 million in parliament amendments was the price for the votes paid by Bolsonaro and generals; one ponders in the corridors to be more than R$3 billion the total crumpled in the swindle. The “democrats”, scared with Bolsonaro, who describe those lords as defenders of democracy, are the ones that have to deal with the shame to thrust them into their destiny.
However, as loyalty and honour are not the strong side in their ‘profession’, this is far from meaning, for the military government, the anihilation of their problems.The government has assumed a compromise and it will cost very high concerning the access to Centrão in the budget, being one of the central questions of the reaction that is the fiscal problem. As rats, the deputies are greedy; and Bolsonaro, as the Congress rat, being familiar for 28 years with people of his kind, knows very well their psychology. The present situation precedes a potential institutional crisis still larger, an explosive material accumulated and irrigated with kerosene.
In one side we have the reaction and the decomposition; and the other, the masses’, flogging and the breaking of illusions, added to the advance of the conscious element, the movement of the revolutionary proletariat. The uncontrollable march of the political situation goes to a unequallled disorder amidst the biggest crisis of the local bureaucratic capitalism history. Whose recovery cannot be foreseen at short term. The genuine democrats do not have to be scared at all! It is precisely in the violent storm that the masses learn to become organized and be oriented as ever; to distinguish, even in the darkness, their enemies’s allied with wit; it is in the disorder they learn how to manage the necessary arms and without them one cannot win an already declared war. And from the rubble of the disorder it may appear – and inevitably it will – the beams and agents for the new building, our common work, backward and pending: the People’s Republic of Brasil.