The “democracy” hangover

The “democracy” hangover

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The two forces of the municipal elections were: the boycott and the local/regional oligarchies. What comes to prove that, far from any feast, one can see the prolonged hangover of the so-called Brazilian New Republic that as a republic has only the name. The political system, built at the image and resemblance of the big bourgeoisie and landownership – at the service of imperialism, mainly Yankee – , has appeared before everyone as absolutely change-proof. Only the dishonest and shameless careerists or the useful naïve ( who, after all, work for the same result) can deny this fact.

Reactionaries and ‘progressive’ opportunists withhold, as if irrelevant, the astonishing rate of abstentions and  white and nul votes. What do they reap with that? That the ballot boxes chancell the right and the centre, which some even go so far as to qualify as a ‘political victory’. Well, politics is everything you want, including the defense of destroying the present system and replacing it with a new one. This term is pure intellectual swindle, as if the class struggles were adaptable to the narrow shapes of the current legislation – in case the Brazilian’s – mediocre above all, a caricature of the Constitution, remmended every single day. The voting masses elected those who were introduced to them without any expectation of changes, without any enthusiasm and, in a certain way, with less deposited illusion. It turns out that this mass was the lowest in  20 years: 29% of the voters did not attend the polls in the second round, the highest index since 2000. In Rio de Janeiro, the boycott won; in São Paulo, it overcame Guilherme Boulos’ voting. And similarly it has occurred across the country.

It has been, – as one can see -, the reverberating, expressive, complete repulsion, the real protagonist of the 2020 elections, although bourgeois politics analysts want to lie. It is with this level of institutional demoralization that this ‘drifting ship’ called Brasil will have to cross years of severe economical and political crisis ahead. For the heralds of order it is a very serious danger.

The agony of the current political system is, as well, the agony of the false left-wing, in as much as they are Siamese brothers. The Workers Party, the biggest acronomy of this field, collapsed in 2016 from the third to the tenth place in the party’s ranking. The ones who thought this was the rock bottom were deceived: in 2020 their local governments were reduced stillmore, electing 183 mayors, in relation to the 253 of four year ago amidst more than 5,6 thousand in the whole country. For the first time in three decades the party will not rule any capital in the country. The revisionist acronym PcdoB follows the same downwards trajectory, still stronger proportionally: out of 81 elected mayors, in 2016, it has recoiled for 45 now. Psol, as one can see, stands more for the abrupt fall of the others than by its own power: it went up from two to five. The other ones do not even count: PCBrasileiro, PSTU, PCO and UP, besides not electing one single city counselor in the whole country, accounted their candidates in the majority  some hundreds votes. What comes to prove that they live on the party funds and union bureaucracy about which they have a false hegemony. Their ‘leaderships’ are not followed even by the masses of the places where they operate.

This also proves the ‘charm of the snake’ of  centering everything on the “Anti-Bolsonaro’s front”; submitting  the front to the class interests can only serve, as a matter of fact, to the right-wing. As if the false left-wing would play the role of a shock-troop, taking the nuts out of the fire for the gentlemen Rodrigo Maia and some others of this group. Bolsonaro has also lost and badly, but his most staunche opponents did not take either. A remarkable example was Rio de Janeiro election in which, on behalf of a “broad front against barbarism” – whatever it means -, the whole left-wing and the so-called ‘progressive ones’ – the forefront of backwardness -, incensed a politician like Eduardo Paes, “Dudu”, the dearest of the contractors and removal of residents, besides being Sergio Cabral and Pezão’s friend, the transport mafia and defense of ‘militias’ and the executioner of the teachers in the historical 2013 strike. Those are the circus’ ‘democrats’ that the clowns invite us to defend.

As we have already said, the level of disreputing the elections and the parliament have reached is a serious danger to order, the only simulacrum of democratic republic among us. For their more enlightened ideologues even the poor performance of the false left-wing is to be regretted. It is a sort of ‘mattress’ that softens the impact of a system based on the merciless exploitation of the workers, pointing out to a miraculous orderly and peaceful victory over the old order. Bitter illusion. Not by chance, Bolsonaro captured a large votation among the poorest where he still has strength but in decline, because he has also proved to rule against the people. Without these containment instances, what remains but the tanks!

For all this, we greet from this tribune the activists who strive to merge the spontaneous with active and conscious boycott to the electoral farce. Indeed, the performance of this organized parcel influences the total quantum of the elections but this is not its more important element. It is a fact that justifies to the more indignant sectors of the population an act that, without such a propaganda, could seem isolated. This active propaganda is, at last, the only organized political strength which defends and argues in favour of  the boycott and finds and will find for that reason a fertile ground to thrust its slogans among million and million of disappointed and revolted persons. This work is never lost, as affirmed the great Lenin. In the next phase of open radicalization of the class struggle, these masses will know how to recognize those who have always told the truth, the ones that have always been at their side.

Ao longo das últimas duas décadas, o jornal A Nova Democracia tem se sustentado nos leitores operários, camponeses, estudantes e na intelectualidade progressista. Assim tem mantido inalterada sua linha editorial radicalmente antagônica à imprensa reacionária e vendida aos interesses das classes dominantes e do imperialismo.
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