It has been discussed in Congress, since December 2019, the imposing Budget, in contradiction with the government. The project ignores the autonomy of the government on the budget and allocates compulsorily a large part to the parliamentarians. The March 15th demonstration, summoned and called off by Bolsonaro, aims at attacking the parliament to oblige them to give in. The political crisis increases, stirs the structure of the old State and leads to constitutional quakes.
The fascist demonstration, marked, by the way, by Bolsonaro followers and unmasked under the generals’s pressure, would take to the streets a mass contingent especially from the middle sectors who believe that the root of all problems is the corruption. The reason is that the summoning aimed to attack a demoralized and corrupt Congress but would constitute neither a milestone nor a influx for bolsonarism.
The acute contradiction existing in the dispute for the leadership of the preventive counter-revolutionary offensive between the far right-wing led by Bolsonaro and the civil and military right-wing headed by the High Command of the Armed Force (ACFA) and the greatest part of the parliament, sometimes fosters people to believe that the parliament defends the liberties and democracy. But it is not a question of that.
The five forces
The political situation that has arisen from the 2018 elections divided the society into five forces: They are:
- The military and civil far right-wing – Bolsonaro and his group with limited social base to the inferior sectors of the ruling classes and inferior part of the media that want to impose a fascist-military regime.
- The civil and military right-wing – ACFA, the more powerful sector of the big industrial groups, bankers, landlords and agrobusiness, big tradesmen and press monopoly who want to keep the constitutional democratic façade but restricting rights and liberties and with concentrated power in the Executive.
- The centre right-wing or traditional right-wing concentrated in Parliament and Supreme Court.
- The opportunism – false electoral left-wing and
- People’s revolutionary movement – classist organizations of the proletariat, peasantry, proletarized sectors of the petty-bourgeoisie, students and democratic intellectuals.
Those forces fight each other and some are allied. Within the ruling classes, the counter-revolutionary offensive, whose leadership has been disputed by the right-wing and extreme right-wing, manages with the parliamentarian centre right-wing and confront in different levels with opportunism and the revolutionary movement. They do it because they need to stimulate the recovery of the economy through the attacks to the people’s rights and spending cuts of the “public expenditures”. To make adequate such attacks it is necessary to remove the power and functions of the Parliament, reducing the need for “negotiations”.
What is the Parliament for
The function of the parliament that has historically arisen with the bourgeois-democratic republic was to mask the class domination through a supposed “universalization of accession to power” through elections and any citizen could be a candidate.
With the consolidation of capitalism and going from free competition to the monopoly regime – the imperialism -, it became clear to the proletariat that the real function of parliament is to reproduce the bourgeois domination and legitimize its dictatorship as a democracy in a more sophisticated way because hidden.
For the bourgeoisie, however, parliament has another function, to schedule the disputes between the bourgeois. The bourgeoisie, divided into fractions and groups of power, fights internally for the possession of the resources and, mostly, the control of the State to lead the application of the economic, social and cultural policy, dominate at most the accession to the markets, have all the advantages, etc. For this purpose, it starts buying with huge amount of money a great number of candidates, elect them and assure its interests in the State by the Parliament. It is a distribution of forces within the bourgeoisie.
The Congress in Brasil
In Brasil, there has never been a true democratic republic ( we have a bureaucratic-landownership republic settled in the semifeudal and semicolonial structures); this relation of domination over the parliament is still more absurd. It is a struggle of the fraction of the big bourgeoisie and landlords to define who will control at most the old State to lead the application of policies applied by imperialism, mostly Yankee.
The parlamentarians are direct and open representatives of the regional oligarchies, some of them landlors wrapped up in “modernity” (agrobusiness), and the sectors of the big bourgeoisie ( its bureaucrtic and compradora fractions). In the present situation they fight each other to administer the imperialism policy in a manner to take advantage of their capital and interests. Besides struggling for personal projects.
Rodrigo Maia and Davi Alcolumbre strive against the government but not for “democracy”. They fight for the interests of certain monopolies and for the simple reason: they can lose, with the weakening of parliament, the power they nowadays have and might have.
The counter-revolutionary offensive, in turn, needs to impose an attack to the rights of the people quickly and stamble upon the parliament that requires counterparts as, for instance, to approve parliament’s amendments for the congressmen in benefit of their bosses. The counter-revolutionary offensive demands power centralization. The ongoing military coup needs to recover the bureaucratic capitalism from the crisis quickly ( a hard task) and the fragmented interests of the many power groups in parliament delay such a task, besides being demoralized before the masses and without any legitimacy. Consequently the contradiction between both.
The only real and possible democracy for Brasil will only happen with the Democratic, Agrarian and Anti-imperialist Revolution. By defeating the landownership, the New Democracy releases million of peasants from the feudal and semifeudal chains whose shapes evolve. By overthrowing it, the Revolution frees ideologically, politically, militarily and culturally this contingent from the direct domination of the landlords over the countryside.
All the old State relations of promiscuity between the private and the public, as we can see in the daily corruption trials, are inheritances of the feudal domination of the landlords that were passed to the native big bourgeois. Since Brasil colonial the same semifeudal essence has been reproduced in the culture and ideology. The dynamics of the employees in the State structure replicates the bureaucratic methods of the feudal States, orphans of the democratic tradition.
The same occurs with the masses that can only acquire a consciousness raise, their role in the political scene and history, through the Democratic Revolution after participating in a national-democratic movement and testifying the broad and deep transformations they are capable to do. Under the proletariat’a point of view, only crossing this stage it is possible to build up successfully Socialism.
On the other hand, only the revolutionary proletariat is able nowadays to undo the large flood of the national-democratic Agrarian Revolution. Only the proletarian revolutionaries, communists, for not having any interest in preserving this old order, can lead and get on with such a struggle, united to the peasants, more oppressed masses against feudality, imperialism and bureaucratic capitalism.
On March 25th , the Communist Party of Brasil (P.C.B.) completes 98 years of its foundation. It is necessary to emphasize that only with a revived proletarian revolutionary party it is possible for Brasil to quit the centuries of bureaucratic backwardness it has been in, and to find the true and New Democracy. The masses, in their way, ask and long for that.