The division of the ruling classes reached the press monopolies 

Charge: Vini
Charge: Vini

The division of the ruling classes reached the press monopolies 

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In an article published last July 11, Folha de São Paulo newspaper revealed, with signs of disappointment, a meeting of the Globo Group’s Vice President of Institutional Relations, Paulo Tonet, with Rodrigo Maia.

The lunch at a residence in Lago Sul, Brasilia had, according to Folha, as the special guest, the  Chamber of Deputies president. The same arrived there in an uncharacterized car.

Implying that the meeting had some secrecy, the news says that the Folha reporter was approached  twice by house security guards requesting identification and the reason for its presence. “The report informed name and vehicle, and confirmed that Maia was in residence with five other politicians, including Benito Gama (PTB-BA) and Heráclito Fortes (PSB-PI) and Minister Fernando Bezerra Coelho (Mines and Energy)”.

The article also states that everyone present at the meeting, which lasted more than five hours, were in cars without official license plate and had to enter the garage so that passengers could board without being seen, concluding that, after all this, the deputy Heráclito Fortes declared that “there was nothing conspirative”.

The Globo campaign

It is common to hear from the mouths of insignificant analysts the claim that the press is the 4th power, after the executive, the legislature and the judiciary. If they did a class analysis, they would understand that all these “powers” have in their guts representatives of the power groups of the ruling classes who control the structures of the old state and that the holders of the media are as bourgeois as the others, however, they play special role, given their function.

With interests that extrapolate the media – which they use to leverage other interests – the Marinho Brothers, more than a family enterprise, constitute a true political party, with program, tactics, strategy, well-trained and properly domesticated according to Imperialist interests and ideology and culture correspondent.

All this campaign to put down the bandit Temer, before having a patriotic character and a real fight against corruption, is driven by interests of the notorious market, which, in turn, boils down to the financial system that annually accounts for 40% of the national budget. Globo attacks Temer, but heads the mendacious crusade on its nefarious and nefarious “reforms”, and praises Meirelles, the intervener of the IMF and the World Bank, to command the looting of Brazil’s semi colony.

Looking at the rotten stage of Temer management and not seeing, in its smallness, the capacity to promote a “stability” that gives tranquility to its business, the financial capital appealed to blitzkrieg, using all of the Rede Globo firepower. That’s where everything goes, from television shows, humorous shows, novels and even auditorium programs, where all their communicators and “stars” (that is, militants) are tuned into the work. Faustão that says it.

For the Globo Group, Rio de Janeiro is the capital of Brazil, and the situation of reactionary civil war that the state machine unleashed against the popular masses in the name of the “war on crime” logically does not favor it in this desire. About the tasks for which Temer was catapulted into the presidency, they were not even foreseen the concern to give a quick solution to the chaos provoked by the furious greed of Sérgio Cabral / PMDB.

Thus, having a representative of Rio de Janeiro in the federal government, even as a buffer mandate, is very convenient for him, and, even better, for an upcoming mandate. The Globo Party already has its candidates for the 2018 elections.

Breaks into communication monopolies

The division between the ruling classes reached its press monopolies. United by the anti-worker and sell-motherland “reforms”, they divide themselves over the shameful maintenance of Temer at the post. The general decomposition crisis of bureaucratic capitalism in the country, expressed in the acute political crisis that has dragged on and deepened four years ago, triggered a revolutionary situation that continues to develop and also conditions the strive of the communication groups in defense of their sponsors.

The Bandeirantes Group, for the extreme mercenarism that distinguishes it and its own interests in the “agribusiness”, assumes editorially and without half words the brazen defense of the continuity of Temer in the presidency. Estadão, as the “enlightened right-wing”, defender of the latifundia, of the great bourgeoisie (mainly of São Paulo) and of the financial system (read imperialism) assumes the direct defense of the theses of the “market”, whether in the hands of anyone, and so, too, is for Temer. Folha Group, in the style that characterizes it, “gives one hit in the stud and another in the horseshoe” (on the one hand it attacks on the other relieves). Globo network and Abril Group, from Veja Magazine, are aligned in the blitzkrieg.

One thing, however, unites them: the defense of the furious onslaught against the rights of the workers and the vehement condemnation of popular mobilization in defense of their rights.

Class struggle, class press

Nothing better than a revolutionary situation in development to show the class character of the press. It demystifies all the speeches about supposed media impartiality and exposes the interests of each group in bold letters.

On the other hand, the people’s, democratic and revolutionary press plays a fundamental role in showing the police character of the monopolies “investigative journalism” when it comes to the struggle of peasants, demonstrations of workers and the poor in street protests.

The revolutionary press does not conciliate with the reactionaries, nor with the opportunists, parliamentary cretins, who insist on deceiving the people with the nursery rhymes of elections, whose differentiation between them is whether they are direct or indirect, when both are a farce. Therefore, the revolutionary press raises the banner of ‘Neither reforms, nor election: Revolution!’.

Ao longo das últimas duas décadas, o jornal A Nova Democracia tem se sustentado nos leitores operários, camponeses, estudantes e na intelectualidade progressista. Assim tem mantido inalterada sua linha editorial radicalmente antagônica à imprensa reacionária e vendida aos interesses das classes dominantes e do imperialismo.
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