João Goulart (Jango) used to be a prosperous gaúcho rancher, Getúlio Vargas’a offspring and graduated in a populist-labourite school of the old Brazilian Labour Party (PTB). He had ‘development’ illusions under the protection of the Yankee semicolonial domain. Politically, he represented the interests of the national bourgeoisie, its lef-wing side. He was a nationalist and searched to take the country to the level of the independent nations through reforms and not the revolution. He was a democrat and a patriot and not a socialist of any nuance.
The so-called “base reforms” (agrarian, urban, banking, university and administrative ones), the main development project planned by Jango, had as an objective to adequate the institutions to modern standard operations, guaranteed the national independence and sovereignty. The main one, “the agrarian reform” proposed to create million of small holders in replacement to the land monopoly, concentrated on a handful of landownership enterprises. The establishment of million of small holders would mean the appearance of a so comprehensive consumer market that would be necessary to have the Brazilian industrial park multiplied by unimaginable figures for their reality, besides strengthening the national state capital and not the state capital.
In order this could happen, according to his plan on the “base reforms”, it would be necessary to stimulate external and internal investiments that woud be trapped in a economic policy of releasing remittances of profits abroad. The solution presented was to limit the remittance of profits up to 10% of registered capital of the foreign enterprises operating in the country.. The remainder of the profit would be invested in the expansion of the country’s industrial park, as a result of the “agrarian reform” and subsequent improvement of the national capital.
An important measurement within the Urban Reform was to give right to the tenants to purchase the rented property through the government that would pay the owner with Treasury Bills.
It is of paramount importance to emphasize that there was nothing socialist in the “reforms of base” whose purpose was only “to modernise the country in the framework of the capitalist relationships intended on expanding the market. It was expected thereby to create properties, answering to the country’s urban and industrial development as well as its peasantry, the proletariat, the middle bourgeoisie (national bourgeoisie) and the petty urban bourgeoisie, the so-called “middle class”.
Only the bearers of obtuse minds or having pure political stupidity, insane persons and scoundrels could accuse these reforms as socialist. The aim then was to propel the bureaucratic capitalism engendered in the country by the European imperialism at the end of the 19th and begginning of the 20th century through the land lords, the coffee barons and sugar mill colonels. A backward capitalism that had a great impulse with Getúlio Vargas, 1930 and 1950, deepened on the economic openness by Juscelino Kubitschek under his “Target Plan”, 1956 to 1960, already under the sponsorship of the Yankee imperialism, directly monitored by its Embassy. Jango’s government was a result of the political incident of Jânio Quadros’ resignation, daily torpedoed by the action of the stooges of the Yankee imperialism. It was marked by the conspirations of the high officials of the Armed Forces who, accusing him as a puppet of the communists, used to openly preach his overthrown.
Since the post-war, the Yankee Embassy has counted on the lackey ruling classes of landlords and great-bourgeois and their parties in a general way and, especially, on the social-submissive UDN, moreover the monopolies and Yankee agencies located here. A reactionary alliance, blessed by the Catholic Church hierarchy, blocked any autonomous national development and intoxicated ideologically, politically and culturally the Nation. The semicolonial subjugation imposed the backwardness to the country mostly with the reproduction of old relations of production in the countryside, maintaining subjacent the semifeudality through the decoy of the evolution with the modern make-up of its forms.
With the dressage of the Armed Forces officership of our country by the British imperialists and mostly Yankees, from the Second World War on – dressage accomplished through brainwashing courses of the “cold war” curricula at US Army School of the Americas and Pentagon in which they have learned that everything that does not mean subservience to the USA would mean communism –such an armed force has logically consolidated as the one responsible, in the long run, for the sustenance of the semicolonial and semifeudal condition of the old Brazilian State.
The owners of the republica and lackeys of imperialism
The victory of the Triplice Alliance in the war against Paraguay, in command of the British colonialism for destroying the rising bourgeois democratic revolution in that country, has brought glory to the national Army and Navy. With those laurels and armoured with its caboclo positivism, they searched with the “Proclamation of the Republic” their assertion as national powder, de jure and the facto. Such illusions have only served to consolidate in the political powder the economic powder of the landlords, the Republic of the colonels. However, at the same time, the inhumane conditions, lack of basic materials for the Brazilian troops to combat in the war, the corruption of the high monarchist officership, oligarchical and slave-oriented, as well as the genocide pratices against an unarmed people, have fermented and gave birth to the Movimento Tenentista with bourgeois democratic expectations and essentially anti-oligarchy.
The 1920/30 earthquakes caused by the rebellions of that movement with Coluna Prestes but mostly with the national-democratic, agrarian, antifeudal, antifascist and anti-imperialist people’s upheaval in the conformation of the National Liberation Alliance (Aliança Nacional Libertadora) (ANL) base principally on the left-wing of Tenentismo, medium-sized entrepreneurs, intelligentsia and the Communist Party of Brasil (P.C.B) had, with the defeat of 1935 Uprising, the creation of the anti-communism as an ideological formation line in the Armed Forces, backbone of a landownership-bureuacratic State, servant of imperialism. On the 1935 Uprising, the truth made of a thousand times repeated lies sank into the filthy farce that the communist militaries promoted “murders of militaries who were sleeping” – nonexistent facts; different from the infamous and disrespectful deeds of summary execution, mostly revolutionary soldiers and sub-officers that had already surrended, and were disarmed and hamstrung. The persecutions for political and ideological reasons, under the pretext of “politics out of the headquarters”, as a combat measure to the revolution in 1935, have enhanced the expurgation of officers and soldiers during the ongoing crisis of the following decades.
Shortly after the end of World War II, in 1945, the High Command of the Armed Force (ACFFAA) had orders to overthrow Getúlio Vargas as a preventive counter-revolutionary measure, before the people, led by the communists, would do it through a revolution as it was happening in several parts of the world.
In 1945, the coup to overthrow Getúlio Vargas led him to commit suicide, something that touched the Brazilian people, frustrating their complete consummation. Some other uprisings happened against Juscelino Kubitschek, revealing on those coup force spasms of its reactionary pathological anti-communist nature.
Jango’s government has, since the beginning, stimulated the reaction for the machination of a preventive military coup with frenetic political activities propelled by the Yankees. With organization funding for the political formation of cadres and the coordination between militaries, entrepreneurs and politicians – as in the case of the Institute for Research and Social Studies – IPES – for candidacies to state goverments, Senate and House of Representatives ( through the Brazilian Institute of Democratic Action – IBAD ), the military mobilization and trainning as well as the creation and weaponry of anti-communist groups (the AAA and death-squad).
When the mass demonstrations and the increase of the organized people’s participation started developing, even under the reformist banner, the reactionary generals, supported by the reaction networks – corrupt press, catholic church and right-wing parties – have spread a true anti-communist rave in the countryside and capitals of the country. Motivated by the headquarters followers like Carlos Lacerda ( the state of Guanabara governor), Ademar de Barros (São Paulo governor) and Magalhães Pinto (Minas Gerais governor), among others, everything under the coordination of the Yankee CIA through the its Embassy, the generals began plotting the civil-military coup which took place in 1964.
As Bolsonaro nowadays, the military coup did not realise the presence of a clumsy military like Olímpio Mourão Filho. The backward and submissive ruling classes to imperialism, as managers of the semicolonial and semifeudal State – under the blessings of the secret military government – through struggles and coalitions between their fractions, articulate the Republic “three powers”, besides the press monopoly to remove the obstacles on their search to fulfill their interests, knocking down for that the laws of their old and rotten democracy, as in 1964. And this can only happen through a military coup for which the lackey Armed Forces are summoned to command the reppression to the masses who fight for their rights.
So that the preventive coup can be accomplished to the unavoidable masses uprising, the world atmosphere must be impregnated by the threat of a huge economic crisis, and the only possible solution for the imperialism is to increase alarmingly the exploitation level in the colonies and semicolonies.
The propaganda has played a fundamental role to take great part of the masses not to resist to the bait and rank to anti-national and anti-people projects. The press monopoly and new medias, as the social network, started attacking ferociously the progressive forces, creating ghosts and combatting them as real beings.
The events in the human history happen as tragedies and are unique; its repetition can only occur as a farce. The phenomena of class struggle in a certain period of time and kind of society are the same, however they happen in different times of that one and in distinctive realities. In the ongoing preventive counter-revolutionary offensive in the country, in certain circunstances, it resulted as a electoral farce in the conformation of a reactionary government tutored by ACFFAA, which develops itself in struggles and coalitions by the far right-wing hegemony of Bolsonaro and the ACFFAA right-wing. Bolsonaro, in his obstinate and narrow-minded anti-communism, wants to lay down the fascist military regime, and his ACFFAA contenders – or the de facto government of the generals, secret military government – want to carry out the coup d’état bit by bit within the maximum possible of legality.
Accordingly, the campaigns made to strike Jango and to elect Bolsonaro are only equal apparently because actually the principal thing, in the contradiction between the tragedy and the farce, is not the real contradiction, but the struggle between the counter-revolution and the revolution. A fight between the preventive counter-revolutionary offensive through the ongoing military coup, little by little, a step by step procedure (which objective is direct to preventing the unavoidable mass rebellion of our people who will raise against the unrestrained exploitation) versus the revolution of new democracy.